{"title":"Dropship-Overseas","description":"","products":[{"product_id":"night-vision-illuminating-war-and-class-on-the-neo-colonial-terrain","title":"Night-Vision: Illuminating War and Class on the Neo-Colonial Terrain","description":"\u003cp\u003eA foundational analysis of post-modern capitalism, the decline of u.s. hegemony, and the need for a revolutionary movement of the oppressed to overthrow it all.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFrom \u003cem\u003eNight-Vision\u003c\/em\u003e: \"The transformation to a neo-colonial world has only begun, but it promises to be as drastic, as disorienting a change as was the original european colonial conquest of the human race. Capitalism is again ripping apart \u0026amp; restructuring the world, and nothing will be the same. Not race, not nation, not gender, and certainly not whatever culture you used to have. Now you have outcast groups as diverse as the Aryan Nation and the Queer Nation and the Hip Hop Nation publicly rejecting the right of the u.s. government to rule them. All the building blocks of human culture—race, gender, nation, and especially class—are being transformed under great pressure to embody the spirit of this neo-colonial age.\"\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e \u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch5\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eWhat People Are Saying\u003c\/strong\u003e\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“A book that should be read by anyone who gives a damn about a non-racist, non-sexist, non-homoophobic future.”  Bo Brown (rita d. brown), former political prisoner\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“Confronted with a world that is disintegrating daily under patriarchy, women need a book like this which begins to challenge us to build a really communal way of life.” Liz Fink, Attica prison rebellion lawyer\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“This book gives new insight into the powerful forces of neo-colonialism, a reality of today’s world that is worldwide in scope. Neo-colonialism is revealed as hard to fight for it has found a way to scramble relationships, making it difficult to clearly know one’s enemy. This book also binds together sex, race, and class in a new form, a form which helps one grasp the interlocking nature of these oppressions. Night-Vision is well worth reading and studying.” Emeritus Professor of Feminist Philosophy, St. John’s University, Mary Buckley\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\"\u003cem\u003eNight-Vision\u003c\/em\u003e was so compelling to me because it has a spirit of militancy which reformist feminism tries to kill because militant feminism is seen as a threat to the liberal bourgeois feminism that just wants to be equal with men. It has that raw, unmediated truth-telling which I think we are going to need in order to deal with the fascism that’s upon us\" -- bell hooks (\u003ca href=\"https:\/\/www.leftwingbooks.net\/review\/bell-hooks-interviewed-about-night-vision\"\u003eto read complete interview click here\u003c\/a\u003e)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003eBook Details\u003c\/h4\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: Butch Lee\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: Red Rover\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eFormat: paperback\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eISBN: 978-1-894946-88-9\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eSize: 264 pages\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003ePublisher: Kersplebedeb Publishing\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eYear: 2017\u003c\/div\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40175009464413,"sku":"9781894946889","price":14.28,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/nv_cover_small_ce633150-6fc2-4302-a691-62f05c2d8103.jpg?v=1654988026"},{"product_id":"defying-the-tomb-selected-prison-writings-and-art-of-kevin-rashid-johnson-featuring-exchanges-with-an-outlaw","title":"Defying the Tomb: Selected Prison Writings and Art of Kevin  \"Rashid \" Johnson featuring exchanges with an Outlaw","description":"\u003cp\u003eFollow the author's odyssey from lumpen drug dealer to prisoner, to revolutionary New Afrikan, a teacher and mentor, one of a new generation rising of prison intellectuals. This book consists primarily of letters between Rashid and Outlaw, another revolutionary New Afrikan prisoner, smuggled between the segregation wing and general population over a period of months. These comrades educate themselves—and us as well—on Marxism and Maoism, the Five-Percenters, Dialectical Materialism, Dead Prez, Capitalism, Racism, Imperialism, Class Struggle, Revolutionary Nationalism, New Afrikan Independence, Psychology, and a host of other subjects, as they grapple with how to promote revolutionary consciousness in the most hostile of environments.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eRashid has been in prison for twenty years—the past eighteen of which in segregation (solitary confinement). Shortly after this correspondence between himself and Outlaw, he and his comrade Shaka Sankofa Zulu founded the New Afrikan Black Panther Party–Prison Chapter. The NABPP-PC has since developed branches in various prisons across the u$ empire and has its own newsletter, Right On! A number of Rashid's essays written as Minister of Defense of the NABPP-PC are also included in this book. For more about Rashid, including links to his writings available online, please visit his website at \u003ca href=\"http:\/\/rashidmod.com\"\u003ehttp:\/\/www.rashidmod.com\u003c\/a\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003ch5\u003eWhat People Are Saying\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\"Kevin 'Rashid' Johnson has put together an outstanding compendium of political essays and letters that addresses many of the critical issues of today. His intra-prison correspondences with his comrade, Outlaw, is a rewarding study in the determined and ingenious maneuvers that prisoners have to go through to politically educate and organize themselves – and others around them. As a result, just reading the book itself provides one with the basic foundation of a political education.\" — from the Afterword by Sundiata Acoli, New Afrikan political prisoner of war\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\"Your mission (should you decide to accept it) is to buy multiple copies of this book, read it carefully, and then get it into the hands of as many prisoners as possible. I am aware of no prisoner-written book more important than this one, at least not since George Jackson’s Blood In My Eye. Revolutionaries and those considering the path of progress will find Kevin “Rashid” Johnson’s Defying The Tomb an important contribution to their political development.\" — Ed Mead, former political prisoner, George Jackson Brigade\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\"The correspondence of Rashid and Outlaw, carried on within the tenuous cracks of a supermax prison, offers the reader a compelling blend of psychological insight, political analysis, and passion for learning. Their defiance in the face of oppression is matched by their broad human solidarity. As they grapple with ideas, they also think as organizers, probing the dispositions and motivations of their fellow prisoners. Their struggle for justice is informed by a commitment to reason.\" — Victor Wallis, Professor, Liberal Arts Department, Berklee College of Music\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003eBook Details\u003c\/h4\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: Kevin Rashid Johnson\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eFormat: paperback\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eISBN: 978-1-894946-39-1\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eSize: 386 pages\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003ePublisher: Kersplebedeb Publishing\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eYear: 2010\u003c\/div\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40175075491933,"sku":"9781894946391","price":16.8,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/large_893_defying3_0.jpg?v=1654987243"},{"product_id":"meditations-on-frantz-fanons-wretched-of-the-earth-new-afrikan-revolutionary-writings","title":"Meditations on Frantz Fanon's Wretched of the Earth: New Afrikan Revolutionary Writings","description":"\u003cp\u003e“This exercise is about more than our desire to read and understand Wretched (as if it were about some abstract world, and not our own); it’s about more than our need to understand (the failures of) the anti-colonial struggles on the African continent. This exercise is also about us, and about some of the things that We need to understand and to change in ourselves and our world.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch5\u003eAbout James Yaki Sayles\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eLike the revs that he most considered his teachers—Malcolm X and George Jackson—James Yaki Sayles grew up poor and found his maturity in prison, the place that Malcolm called “the Black man’s university.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA child of Chicago’s South Side streets, Yaki always just thought of himself as a blood, “just another nigger doing a bit” (to borrow the laconic words of one of the Pontiac state prison revolt defendants). And it was in the prison movement that he found his place in the battlefield. Although he made revolutionary theory his work, his life was rooted in a time of urban guerrillas and the armed struggle. Which makes his writing much more difficult to read, but with a warning of danger and commitment that is so often missing in these neo-colonized times between the storms…\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eYaki soon became a leading activist in the small prison collectives in his state. First in the Stateville Prisoners Organization, which quickly grew into the New Afrikan Prisoners Organization. There were groups in Stateville, Pontiac, and Menard prisons, as well as individual members in other prisons outside Illinois and rads on the street. Yaki also became an influence in less public organizations.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOne thing he never became was well-known. There were definite reasons for this. In part, because Yaki was a very private person who rarely talked about his inner life or childhood, and who never wanted to write about his own past to a curious public. Becoming a radical celebrity was not anywhere in his plans.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eYaki was also unknown because of the role he chose for himself. Much of his writings were not for the public, or even the community as a whole. Most of them were cadre teachings. Typically, Yaki wrote and spoke as a teacher for those already New Afrikan revolutionaries who were cadre. Those who had accepted the responsibility of being organizers and local teachers themselves. Although he was often repeating or underscoring basic political lessons, sometimes these were almost technical discussions. Craft discussions. In the same way that young Five-percenters proudly talk about, “i can do the math,” “i know the numbers.” And as such his words weren’t meant to be entertaining, and rads often complained of finding them as hard to read as some textbook. Far from easy reading. But it’s like, if you wanted to be able to design the flow of water through a hydoelectric plant or do brain surgery on an infant, at the very start you’d be cracking the books late into the night and studying for all you were worth. Yaki didn’t think that trying to transform society was any easier…\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhen Yaki started out in prison, he had amassed a real library of political and history books, together with magazines and files of documents and correspondence. And he spent hours and hours studying and writing. This gradually became more and more choked off by prison authorities. As he put it: “Inside it only grows worse, not better. Because they keep changing wardens, and every warden has to prove that they’ve made some change or new shit they can point to. Which is only more restrictions.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBy the start of the 21st century, he was limited to one thin cardboard case, only a few inches high, which had to hold any books, magazines, newspapers, notebooks, files, letters, blank paper, pencil and pens he had in his cell. And he had to work mandatory eight-hour shifts every day at the usual makework prison jobs (such as counting out and counting in the checkers pieces in the day room), which cut down on his intellectual hours. All this led him to decide to center himself on one major project which only required two books, a reappraisal and explanation of Frantz Fanon’s great revolutionary writing, \u003cem\u003eWretched of the Earth\u003c\/em\u003e…\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHere, Yaki is on a mission. To make up for the misunderstanding of Fanon’s politics that he and so many of his young rebel comrades once had. To help guide the study by newer rebels of this complex and difficult reading.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch5\u003eWhat People Are Saying\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“i got out of Folsom \u0026amp; one of the first things i got was a kalishnikov ak-47, 7.62x39 … Needless to say, without the requisite consciousness, the gun \u0026amp; i soon parted company. The gun fell into the hands of invading pigs \u0026amp; i fell in the same hands. Was sent back to a cell … That’s when i got at the ’rad Atiba Shanna [aka James Yaki Sayles] \u0026amp; told him i’d been captured and why. He said, ‘i’d rather have one cadre free than 100 ak-47’s.’ It took me years to overstand \u0026amp; appreciate that one sentence. For this comrad has done more to de-criminalize and de-colonize my mind than any one person, book or event in my life.” \u003ca data-lwsa=\"eyJhdXRvbGluayI6dHJ1ZSwiYXV0b19pZCI6IjMyOTY0In0=\" href=\"https:\/\/leftwingbooks.net\/collections\/all\/sanyika-shakur\" title=\"Sanyika Shakur\"\u003eSanyika Shakur\u003c\/a\u003e, author of the best-selling book, \u003cem\u003eMonster: Autobiography of an L.A. Gang Member\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“Here is an authentic voice of the Black Revolution from the times of violent ghetto uprisings, re-learning the lessons of Fanon’s Wretched of the Earth. Uncut, undiluted.” J. Sakai, author of \u003cem\u003eSettlers: Mythology of the White Proletariat\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003eBook Details\u003c\/h4\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: James Yaki Sayles\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eFormat: paperback\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eISBN: 978-1-894946-32-2\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eSize: 399 pages\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003ePublisher: Kersplebedeb Publishing\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eYear: 2010\u003c\/div\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40175077916765,"sku":"9781989701010","price":16.8,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/large_911_meditations3_0.jpg?v=1654987259"},{"product_id":"stand-up-struggle-forward-new-afrikan-revolutionary-writings-on-nation-class-and-patriarchy","title":"Stand Up Struggle Forward: New Afrikan Revolutionary Writings On Nation, Class and Patriarchy","description":"\u003cp\u003e“It was over 20 years ago that the book \u003cem\u003eMonster: The Autobiography of an L.A. Gang Member\u003c\/em\u003e exploded on the scene and gave us all a front row seat to explore the genocidal brutality of the neo-colonial world of gangbanging. A world that exists at the expense of New Afrikan communities and New Afrikan youth in particular, through our social savage way of attempting to gain power through AK’s, bats and beat downs … it was in the belly of the beast (prison) that ‘Monster’ underwent a revolutionary transformation, dissecting and re-building himself from the inside out, slaying the colonial thug ‘Monster’ and emerging through a re-birth as ‘Sanyika Shakur,’ a New Afrikan Revolutionary Nationalist.” — from the Foreword by Yusef “Bunchy” Shakur\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis collection of writings by \u003ca data-lwsa=\"eyJhdXRvbGluayI6dHJ1ZSwiYXV0b19pZCI6IjMyOTY0In0=\" href=\"https:\/\/leftwingbooks.net\/collections\/all\/sanyika-shakur\" title=\"Sanyika Shakur\"\u003eSanyika Shakur\u003c\/a\u003e, formerly known as Monster Kody Scott, includes several essays written from within the infamous Pelican Bay Security Housing Unit in the period around the historic 2011 California prisoners’ hunger strike, as well as two interviews conducted just before and after his release in Black August 2012.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eShakur rejects the easy answers and false solutions of the neocolonial age—integration and racism, the colonial-criminal mentality and subservience to imperialism—as the “oppo-sames” that they are. Firmly rooted in the New Afrikan Communist tradition, he skillfully uses the tools of dialectical materialism to lay bare the deeper connections between racism, sexism, and homophobia and how these mental diseases relate to the ongoing capitalist (neo-)colonial catastrophe we remain trapped within. Defending the legacy of New Afrikans’ historic struggle for Land, Independence, and Socialism, Shakur spells out a uniquely liberatory Revolutionary Nationalist vision. Annihilating the “amerikan” mental fog that has new generations continuing to self-defeat rather than coming together against the real enemy, \u003cem\u003eStand Up, Struggle Forward\u003c\/em\u003e serves as a battle cry against all forms of oppression. \u003cem\u003eStand Up, Struggle Forward\u003c\/em\u003e also contains a valuable account of political repression in the California prison system, including several of the intelligence memoranda they were used to condemn Shakur to years of solitary confinement in Pelican Bay. These internal prison documents clearly show that this prolonged solitary confinement was a direct result of Shakur’s continuing promotion of New Afrikan Revolutionary Nationalist politics. As such, they provide a clear example of the way in which solitary confinement continues to be used as a tool of political repression against thousands of prisoners in California today.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch5\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eRead one of the essays\u003c\/strong\u003e\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\u003ch1 class=\"entry-title\"\u003eStudy and Struggle: An Overstanding\u003cbr\u003e\n\u003c\/h1\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eby Sanyika Shakur\u003c\/strong\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“\u003cem\u003eWho Are We\u003c\/em\u003e, those of us who would build a national ‘black’ prisoners organization? There is much hard evidence to show that as each day passes, more and more ‘black’ prisoners identify themselves as \u003cem\u003eNew Afrikans\u003c\/em\u003e and work on behalf of \u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003ethe New Afrikan Independence Movement.\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/strong\u003e” (emphasis in original)\u003cbr\u003e– Atiba Shanna, \u003cem\u003eNotes from a New Afrikan P.O.W., Journal, Book Three\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003c\/blockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cspan id=\"more-5604\"\u003e\u003c\/span\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAcross the expanse of a couple of decades, We’ve seen the political consciousness of prisoners grow in proportion with their overstanding of what it actually means to be a prisoner in amerikkka, but also as nationals of captive nations held in partial paralysis by u.s. imperialism. Prisoners have slowly begun to take an objective view of the matrix of u.s. colonialism from a dialectical perspective that informs Us that the settler government holds, dominates and exploits both external\/internal colonies. And that the old facade of “disadvantaged minorities” is giving way to the stark reality of submerged nations here under the blurry veneer of a so-called “united states.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis developing consciousness springs from a Revolutionary Nationalist overstanding of social development. Informed by even the most rudimentary application of dialectical materialism, one is easily drawn to the reality of New Afrika, Aztlan, Puerto Rico, Hawaii, Alaska and the Indigenous People being submerged and colonized – whole nations existing under the false patina of amerikkkanism.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe greater Our overstanding of this reality, the less We are believing in, or relying on, the old obviously false social construct of “race” to define Ourselves and other oppressed people. Color, or “race” as a binary term to describe the shallow differences between humans – which has no scientific basis in reality – is not a deep enough, not sound, or reasonable enough, overstanding We can see to explain, confront and resolve Our problems. It’s been said that “the color of freedom in amerikkka is green.” This tells Us something about the false construct of “race,” no? It hints at the \u003cem\u003efact\u003c\/em\u003e that under the rubble of “race” is bedrock. And that bedrock, that solid foundation, is economics. Is capitalism. We can’t even discuss, or We shouldn’t even discuss, “racism” without mentioning and combining it with capitalism. For capitalism built around it the social construct of “race” as a motto, a defense and a justification for prolonged activity. Capitalism is the \u003cem\u003ematerial \u003c\/em\u003emanifestation; “race” is the \u003cem\u003eshadow\u003c\/em\u003e, or immaterial reality of what’s casted – as a consequence of the original form. It’s not that it’s wholly unreal. We can \u003cem\u003esee \u003c\/em\u003eit. The shadow, i mean. We can even feel it, but it is but a reflection. We’ll exhaust Ourselves to the point of madness trying to combat it alone without applying destructive force to the material thing that it reflects. To be “anti-racist” is to be anti-capitalist. We become anti-racists by not using binary terms constructed to promote and sustain “race.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“Any attempt to destroy ‘racism’ without an explicit link to the struggle against capitalism ultimately serves only to reinforce ‘racist’ ideology and to shield capitalism from attack.  On the other hand, an attempt to combat capitalism without an explicit link to anti-racist discourse and struggle allows capitalism to use the belief in ‘race’ held by oppressed peoples and appeal to the ‘racism’ of citizens of the oppressive state, thus undermining all revolutionary initiative. This combat also requires that we begin to de-link ourselves from the use of language that reinforces and reproduces racial ideology, e.g. the terms ‘white’ and ‘black’ in references to the identity of peoples.”\u003cbr\u003e– Comrade Owusu Yaki Yakubu, \u003cem\u003eMeditations on Frantz Fanon’s Wretched of the Earth.\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003c\/blockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn Our developing consciousness, which is necessarily New Afrikan, Revolutionary and Nationalist, We are needing new tools, new language, new ideas, means and ways to re-build Ourselves into a coherent whole for movement and struggle. We are talking about cadre development. This will come about only through arduous study and struggle.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSee, here’s the basic thing: if you are calling yourself a New Afrikan, then you are at once saying that you are \u003cem\u003enot \u003c\/em\u003ean amerikkkan (of any stripe). You are rejecting the reactionary\/colonial identity placed arbitrarily on you by the enemy culture. You are implying that you are a citizen of the Republic of New Afrika. Further, this means that you overstand that a \u003cem\u003eNew \u003c\/em\u003eAfrikan Nation exists and has existed, in north amerikkka, at least since 1660. Now, “nation” here is not to be confused with a \u003cem\u003estate \u003c\/em\u003eor \u003cem\u003egovernment\u003c\/em\u003e. A nation is a cultural\/custom\/linguistic social development that is consolidated and evolves on a particular land mass and shares a definite collective awareness of itself. New Afrika, as a distinct entity, a total working-class \u003cem\u003enation\u003c\/em\u003e, has existed since 1660 here. The nation was given shape, name, general laws and a creed in 1968, with the founding of the Provisional Government by over 500 New Afrikan nationalists. Established at this historical convention was, The New Afrikan Declaration of Independence, Code of Umoja (New Afrikan Constitution) and The New Afrikan Creed. A President, Vice-Presidents, People’s Center Councils and a People’s Revolutionary Leadership Council were elected to designate New Afrikan Population Districts, set up registration for a New Afrikan census, etc. This was the forming of a \u003cem\u003estate\u003c\/em\u003e, an organized body designed to coherently give shape and form to the already long existing New Afrikan nation. So, We are not trying to “create” a nation – the nation exists. We are trying to agitate, educate and organize the nation for land, independence and socialism. This can only be realized through revolution. And despite what We’ve recently seen in North Africa with their “Arab Spring,” We are under no illusions about Our struggle here being a protracted, long drawn out, revolutionary war. And, truthfully, necessarily so. We have a lot of cleansing to do after having been existing so close to the seat of world power for so long. We overstand Our level of contamination.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWe are talking about being ideologically consistent. About pushing a particular line. Again, i want to go to the Comrade Yaki because his instructions are profound:\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“Angolan, Russian, Algerian, Chinese, French, Vietnamese, Cuban, Korean, Tanzanian – these are nationalities. Our nationality is New Afrikan. We don’t refer to ourselves as ‘black’ because We don’t base our nationality (nor our politics) on ‘race’ or color or a biological element of our being. Social factors are the primary determinations of our national identity (and Our politics)”.\u003cbr\u003e– \u003cem\u003eMeditations…\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003c\/blockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFor the same reason, We don’t call ourselves “black” is also why We don’t call ourselves “African-American,” or “Negro,” “colored,” etc. These are \u003cem\u003echains, \u003c\/em\u003ewhich tie us to the plantation, to the colonial system. These are terms that substantiate, promote and sustain the colonial mentality and thus our oppression. Again, Comrade Yaki’s words instruct:\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“The ‘Native,’ the ‘Negro,’ the ‘colored,’ the ‘black’ and the ‘African-American’ have no identity apart from that given them by the colonizer – that is, not unless they RESIST colonialism, which entails: 1) their maintenance of an identity that is separate and distinct from that of the colonizer; 2) they begin to develop a NEW identity, through the process of ‘decolonization’ – through having remained separate and distinct, colonized people aren’t who they were prior to colonization and they can’t return to the past. Colonization has arrested their independent development, distorted who they are, and now they must become a NEW people during the process by which they regain their independence.”  (emphasis in original)\u003cbr\u003e– \u003cem\u003eMeditations…\u003c\/em\u003e.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003c\/blockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eLet’s go a bit into this. Those who are calling themselves “African-Americans” are doing so for two real reasons. First, of course, there is an inherent overstanding that runs thoroughly through the New Afrikan nation that We are not \u003cem\u003ereally \u003c\/em\u003eamerikkkans. That We are in fact a people\/nation unto Ourselves. This used to be widely overstood with little notion of anything to the contrary. \u003cem\u003eNeo-\u003c\/em\u003ecolonialism has worked obsessively to change this awareness. The rapid de-colonization (“de-segregation”) of the nation, beginning in the late 50s, ushered in a new (neo) more thoroughly, and dare i say, \u003cem\u003erevolutionary\u003c\/em\u003e, form of control and exploitation: \u003cem\u003eneo-colonialism\u003c\/em\u003e. “Blacks” took over from “Negroes” to lead the masses into an integrated lockstep with capitalism, while they (the misleaders) were awarded nominal positions in local and regional government posts. Because the bourgeois media postulated these class enemies as being “successful,” in a new and improved amerikkka, it fostered  an image (crafted by Madison Avenue) that anybody could make it. “Now that segregation is over, you can grow up to be anything you want.” Except free, of course.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe more integration (which was supposed to mean “freedom and equality”) We got, the worst Our predicament became. The more bourgeois “freedom and equality” We struggled to obtain, the more critical our existence became, the stronger the “black” bourgeoisie got – compounded a hundred times by the u.s. ruling class. The stronger the “black” bourgeoisie became, the more Our revolutionary leadership was attacked, assassinated, imprisoned, or exiled. The more this became so, the worse the hoods got. The worse the hoods got, the more street orgs began to proliferate. More dope, more guns, more pigs – more prisons. This is what the losing of a sense of self brings. Integration \u003cem\u003eis \u003c\/em\u003eneo-colonialism. And it’s reactionary nationalism. But it would be unfair to say it’s not \u003cem\u003eprogress\u003c\/em\u003e. It \u003cem\u003eis \u003c\/em\u003eprogress – it’s just not progress in \u003cem\u003eOur \u003c\/em\u003einterest. We are moving forward, but it is towards Our annihilation.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe “black” bourgeoisie worked in tandem with its masters to keep the chains on New Afrika. They overstood the strong Nationalist sentiment that ran through the nation. So in order to placate this sentiment and please their masters, the “black” bourgeoisie introduced the term “African-American.” A split personality that straddled an ocean and a colonial existence. But because our “leaders” said it was right and “after all” the masses said, “We are Africans” – Voila!  This, of course, is not scientific or a reflection of any real reality. It is a term used to maintain a colonial relationship with New Afrika – now being run by remote control through the antics and colorful animation of the “African-American” bourgeoisie. You see them in the Congressional Black Caucus, the higher echelons of the Prince Hall Masons, in the persons of Oprah, Jesse, Al Sharpton, Robert Johnson, etc. etc. They’ve been appointed by the u.s. ruling class to lead the masses – into a neo-colonial marriage with amerikkka. The “African American” bourgeoisie is conjoined (face to ass) with the u.s. ruling class and no surgery short of protracted people’s war will lose them and free Us.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe masses, by and large, are innocently confused – they can be redeemed. It is Our job as cadres to do that. Which is why it is so important to study and struggle – to build up your revolutionary ideological, philosophical and theoretical overstanding so as to be able to distinguish the real from the false. The righteous from the reactionary.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“Our vision must be emphasized in opposition to the imperialist and neo-colonialist perspectives. Our vision demands that We stress the need to establish New Afrikan state power as the PREREQUISITE for the long term resolution of colonial violence, bad housing, miseducation, poor health, no jobs, etc. At present, the orientation underlying mass struggle is primarily neo-colonialist. We ask the u.s. government to do things for Us. Our struggle is AGAINST the u.s. government, to secure the power to prevent it from doing things to us and so that We can do things for ourselves, under our own government. Each issue that the masses struggle around must be infused (by the people’s vanguard) with the idea than none of our problems can be solved until We achieve national independence.”\u003cbr\u003e– Atiba Shanna, \u003cem\u003eVita Wa Watu: A New Afrikan Theoretical Journal, Book 12.\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003c\/blockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn closing then, i’d like to simply emphasize the need to study and struggle. Study Revolutionary Nationalism and struggle around the issues that are affecting Us. And, too, it’s a beautiful thing to see more prisoners becoming conscious of themselves as New Afrikans. This too is a prerequisite to getting free. Change your mind and you can change your conditions. Overstanding and appreciating the reality of one’s situation gives one a greater sense of appreciation for other oppressed nationals in the same or similar predicaments. I’m gonna fall out with a quote by Comrade Yaki that pretty much sums it all up – Though first, I’d like to send a clenched fisted salute to all the comrades in Canada that make 4SM possible, as well as to Comrade Jaan Laaman, for his outstanding editorial work and his continuous revolutionary commitment. We feel you!\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“Anyone claiming to attack racism while claiming that racism is the only thing wrong with this system, is either terribly confused or an outright enemy of the people and their interests. If We truly wanna get rid of racism, We have to overthrow capitalism … first.”\u003cbr\u003e– Comrad Yaki, \u003cem\u003eMeditations\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003c\/blockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRe-Build\u003cbr\u003eSanyika Shakur\u003cbr\u003ePelican Bay SHU – 47ADM*\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e*47 years after the death of Malik (Malcolm)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch5\u003eWhat People Are Saying\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“i love his book \u003cem\u003eMonster\u003c\/em\u003e, because his military approach in things sets it up. One time there was a shooting in my block, and i asked the brother: ‘What do you think you are doing? Here, read this!’ And i gave him a copy of Monster. He took it real serious. Sanyika can reach people i can’t. Checking out his newest book, i’m glad he’s on our side.” —  Hondo T’chikwa, Spear \u0026amp; Shield Collective\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“The Pentagon knows that the most famous soldier of his times never wore their uniform, but fought on the oppressed streets of L.A. Now, Sanyika Shakur is still a soldier for his people, but is a revolutionary teacher as well. His words here, his politics, are uncompromising as iron.” — J. Sakai, author of \u003cem\u003eSettlers: Mythology of the White Proletariat\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“i thought i’d wait a long time after \u003cem\u003eMeditations\u003c\/em\u003e for a new work that would provide a major building block to rebuild the movement. But here it is. The chapter on patriarchy, colonialism, imperialism and neo-colonialism is a bomb — study this.” — Butch Lee, author of \u003cem\u003eNight-Vision: Illuminating War and Class on the Neo-Colonial Terrain\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003eBook Details\u003c\/h4\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: Sanyika Shakur\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eFormat: paperback\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eISBN: 9781894946469\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eSize: 208 pages\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003ePublisher: Kersplebedeb Publishing\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eYear: 2013\u003c\/div\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40175125168221,"sku":"9781894946469","price":11.72,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/large_1228_studyandstruggle3_0.jpg?v=1654987585"},{"product_id":"basic-politics-of-movement-security","title":"Basic Politics of Movement Security","description":"\u003cdiv\u003eIntroducing the issues of movement security: u.s. activist and author J. Sakai \u0026amp; long-time Canadian organizer Mandy Hiscocks.\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eThere are many books and articles reporting state repression, but not on that subject’s more intimate relative, movement security. It is general practice to only pass along knowledge about movement security privately, in closed group lectures or by personal word-of-mouth. In fact, when new activists have questions about security problems, they quickly discover that there is no “Security for Dummies” to explore the basics. Adding to the confusion, the handful of available left security texts are usually about underground or illegal groups, not the far larger public movements that work on a more or less legal level.\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eDuring Montreal's 2013 Festival of Anarchy, J. Sakai gave a workshop about the politics of movement security, sharing the results of typical incidents of both the movement’s successes and the movement’s failures in combating the “political police” or state security agencies. He also discussed the nature of those state sub-cultures. This booklet contains a transcript of that talk, and of the subsequent lively question and answer period; along with several after-the-workshop observations by Sakai.\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eAs he explains, \"The key thing is, to start with, security is not about being macho vigilantes or having techniques of this or that. It’s not some spy game. Security is about good politics. That’s exactly why it’s so difficult. But everyone will say that they have good politics. So this has to be broken down, this has to be explained.” Which is what he does in this unusual talk.\n\u003cdiv\u003eMandy Hiscocks comes at the topic from her personal experiences organizing against the 2010 G20 Summit in Toronto. In this in-depth interview, reprinted from the radical Canadian political journal Upping The Anti, Hiscocks describes how her political scene and groups she worked with were infiltrated by undercover agents over a year before the summit even occurred. These police infiltrators provided information used in the prosecution of anti-Globalization organizers and participants. Hiscocks provides an honest and sobering appraisal of the practical challenge of State infiltration, and of how subsequent decisions played out in regards to the anti-G20 organizing and the repression that resulted. Hiscocks spent a year in prison as a result of these experiences, shortly after this interview was conducted.\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003eBook Details\u003c\/h4\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: J. Sakai\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: Mandy Hiscocks\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eFormat: paperback\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eISBN: 978-1-894946-52-0\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eSize: 68 pages\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003ePublisher: Kersplebedeb Publishing\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eYear: 2014\u003c\/div\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40175151513693,"sku":"9781894946520","price":5.88,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/files\/71sdS6WbGAS._SL1500.jpg?v=1714578580"},{"product_id":"the-worker-elite-notes-on-the-labor-aristocracy","title":"The Worker Elite: Notes on the “Labor Aristocracy”","description":"\u003cp\u003eRevolutionaries often say that the working class holds the key to overthrowing capitalism. But “working class” is a very broad category—so broad that it can be used to justify a whole range of political agendas.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eThe Worker Elite: Notes on the \"Labor Aristocracy\"\u003c\/em\u003e breaks it all down, criticizing opportunists who minimize the role of privilege within the working class, while also challenging simplistic Third Worldist analyses.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eIn this provocative study, Bromma highlights the stratification of the working class under modern capitalism, using examples from specific industries and historical events to illustrate the development and key characteristics of the worker elite. He argues that this privileged layer has evolved into a mass middle class with multiple functions in the imperialist system, including attacking and misdirecting the struggles of the global proletariat.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eSubjects addressed in this accessible and easy-to-read primer include:\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cul\u003e\n\t\u003cli\u003echanges in the international division of labor and in the structure of income inequality\u003c\/li\u003e\n\t\u003cli\u003epolitical and economic aspects of class\u003c\/li\u003e\n\t\u003cli\u003egender and nation as determinants and expressions of class\u003c\/li\u003e\n\t\u003cli\u003ethe nature of privilege and parasitism\u003c\/li\u003e\n\t\u003cli\u003ethe worker elite’s relationship to intellectuals, trade unions, the proletariat, and the bourgeoisie\u003c\/li\u003e\n\t\u003cli\u003estrategic implications for revolutionaries of the worker elite’s current hegemony over the proletariat\u003c\/li\u003e\n\u003c\/ul\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eAs Bromma concludes, \"Class struggle is going on every day inside the working class. It’s time to choose where our class loyalty lies—with the proletariat or with its minders in the worker elite.” \u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003eBook Details\u003c\/h4\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: Bromma\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eFormat: paperback\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eISBN: 978-1-894946-57-5\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eSize: 88 pages\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003ePublisher: Kersplebedeb Publishing\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eYear: 2014\u003c\/div\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40175151874141,"sku":"9781894946575","price":8.4,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/workerelite3.jpg?v=1654987690"},{"product_id":"amazon-nation-or-aryan-nation-white-women-and-the-coming-of-black-genocide","title":"Amazon Nation or Aryan Nation: White Women And The Coming Of Black Genocide","description":"\u003cp\u003eThese angry essays show how the massive New Afrikan uprisings of the 1960s were answered by the white ruling class: with the destruction of New Afrikan communities coast to coast, the decimation of the New Afrikan working class, the rise of the prison state and an explosion of violence between oppressed people. Taken on their own, in isolation, these blights may seem to be just more \"social issues\" for NGOs to get grants for, but taken together and in the context of amerikkkan history, they constitute genocide.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e“Kill the Kids First” is a long, bitter rant that factually traces what was happening at street level, in daily events, in New York City in the 1980s. This is important because New York was an early epicenter of the u.s. empire’s new Black Genocide strategy.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eAll the destructive trends that are now being so anxiously talked about in the 21st century, were first surfaced in New York City at that time. The mass incarceration of increasingly unemployed New Afrikans, young adult and child alike. The “stop and frisk” apartheid policing that justified itself by shrill alarms that any New Afrikans at all loose on the streets was the number one public emergency. As the relentless emptying out and gentrification of New Afrikan neighborhoods created mass homelessness, and entire communities started disappearing. \u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e“Kill the Kids First” ties these developments to changes in global capitalism (neocolonialism, or what we would come to know as “neoliberalism”) and most especially to changes in gender relations and politics. Finding that white women’s “equality” actually means joining the patriarchy to do genocide.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eThe second essay, “Integration,” continues this focus on euro-women’s lives and political decisions. It documents in detail two stories from 1989, each in their own way revealing that “If you’re integrating two things then at least one thing has to go, has got to give way and disintegrate.” Through these struggles (and lack thereof), we see euro-settler women trying to work out and then having to fight out harshly between themselves what neo-colonialism is. In other words, finding that “integration” and “equality” in the age of neo-colonialism equals genocide.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eThese first two texts originally appeared in the underground Amazon newspaper Bottomfish Blues, in 1989 and 1990. In an Appendix, we have added a third piece from a different source, to put the present crisis in a true but seldom heard historical perspective. “The Ideas of Black Genocide in the Amerikkkan Mind” was first passed around (although not published) in 2009, as part of a collection of post-“Katrina” working papers on the New Afrikan crisis within the u.s. empire. Providing readers with the background of how the tantalizing idea of Black Genocide has always been present and publicly discussed throughout the u.s. empire’s life from the 1700s onward. It reminds us how the “new normal” of euro-capitalism is always being violently engineered in blueprints of blood and cash.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eOn their own or taken together, these texts provide raw and vital lessons as to the intersections of nation, gender, and class, from a revolutionary and non-academic perspective.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003eBook Details\u003c\/h4\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: Bottomfish Blues\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eFormat: Paperback\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eISBN: 978-1-894946-55-1\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eSize: 160 pages\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003ePublisher: Kersplebedeb Publishing\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eYear: 2014\u003c\/div\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40175152201821,"sku":"9781894946551","price":10.88,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/amazonnation.jpg?v=1654987695"},{"product_id":"divided-world-divided-class-global-political-economy-and-the-stratification-of-labour-under-capitalism-second-edition","title":"Divided World Divided Class: Global Political Economy and the Stratification of Labour Under Capitalism, Second Edition","description":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003ePurchase of this book comes with free download of the ebook files (MOBI \u0026amp; EPUB). If you only want the ebook, \u003ca href=\"https:\/\/leftwingbooks.net\/products\/divided-world-divided-class-global-political-economy-and-the-stratification-of-labour-under-capitalism-second-edition-copy\"\u003eclick here\u003c\/a\u003e.\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/strong\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eDivided World Divided Class\u003c\/em\u003e charts the history of the ‘labour aristocracy’ in the capitalist world system, from its roots in colonialism to its birth and eventual maturation into a full-fledged middle class in the age of imperialism. It argues that pervasive national, racial and cultural chauvinism in the core capitalist countries is not primarily attributable to ‘false class consciousness’, ideological indoctrination or ignorance as much left and liberal thinking assumes. Rather, these and related forms of bigotry are concentrated expressions of the major social strata of the core capitalist nations’ shared economic interest in the exploitation and repression of dependent nations.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe book demonstrates not only how redistribution of income derived from super-exploitation has allowed for the amelioration of class conflict in the wealthy capitalist countries, it also shows that the exorbitant ‘super-wage’ paid to workers there has meant the disappearance of a domestic vehicle for socialism, an exploited working class. Rather, in its place is a deeply conservative metropolitan workforce committed to maintaining, and even extending, its privileged position through imperialism. The book is intended as a major contribution to debates on the international class structure and socialist strategy for the twenty-first century.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis second edition includes new material such as data on growing inequality between the richest and poorest countries; data illustrating rising real wages in Imperial Britain; explication of the concepts of value, monopoly capital and unequal exchange and their ramifications for the global class structure; discussion of social imperialism on the left; responses to critiques surrounding the thesis of mass embourgeoisement through imperialism; as well as further information on a range of subjects.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch5\u003eWhat People Are Saying\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“Dr. Cope presents a thought provoking study of the political economy of the world system by focusing on the concept of a global labour aristocracy. Within the world system, which has also been described as a global apartheid system by some, enormous differences exist between workers’ wages and living conditions, depending on where the workers are located. The author details how a global labour aristocracy in core countries benefits at the expense of workers in periphery countries. The mechanisms supporting such a situation are identified as exploitation, imperialism and racism. The book is a valuable contribution to globalization critique.” — Gernot Köhler, Professor (retired) of Computer Studies at the Department of Computing and Information Management, Sheridan College, Ontario, Canada and author of \u003cem\u003eThe Global Wage System: A Study of International Wage Differences\u003c\/em\u003eand \u003cem\u003eGlobal Economics: An Introductory Course\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“How can we link the division between the poor and the rich people in one and any country and the division between the rich and poor nations together into an analytical framework? The answer lies in the concept of ‘the embourgeoisement of the working people’ of the rich core countries and the fact that colonialism and national chauvinism have gone hand in hand so as to breed a ‘labour aristocracy’. This book is a must-read for anyone who cares about fairness. Zak Cope brings together brilliantly the concepts of nation, race and class analytically under the umbrella of capitalism, by situating racism in the class structure and by locating class in the context of the global economy.” — Mobo Gao, Chair of Chinese Studies and Director of the Confucius Institute at the Centre for Asian Studies, University of Adelaide, and author of \u003cem\u003eThe Battle for China’s Past: Mao and the Cultural Revolution\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“This is a surprising book. At a time when confusion about Globalization surrounds us, Zak Cope pulls us towards what is fundamental. He outlines the 19th \u0026amp; 20th century recasting of the diverse human world into rigid forms of oppressed colonized societies and oppressor colonizing societies. A world divide still heavily determining our lives. Working rigorously in a marxist-leninist vein, the author focuses on how imperialism led to a giant metropolis where even the main working class itself is heavily socially bribed and loyal to capitalist oppression. Much is laid aside in his analysis, in order to concentrate on only what he considers the most basic structure of all in world capitalist society. This is writing both controversial and foundational at one and the same time.” — J. Sakai, author of \u003cem\u003eSettlers: Mythology of the White Proletariat\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\"Divided World Divided Class is valuable to a wide audience, especially those unfamiliar with the history of imperialism, the unequal exchange paradigm, and its impact on class structure. It should be a wake-up call to advocates for the exploited classes of the global South as they attempt to develop a twenty-first-century praxis, and as they engage with advocates for workers in the global North—without denying activists in the global North a role in helping to change the world in favor of the exploited peoples of the world. It reaffirms, with an impressive breadth and depth of evidence and argument, that the Northern workers must help fight for democratic sovereignty in the global South—even if it appears to be against their material interests to do so.\" — Professor Timothy Kerswell, University of Macau, Department of Government and Public Administration\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e \u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\n\u003ch5\u003eKersplebedeb Statement on Zak Cope's About Face (Aug. 16 2024)\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTLDR: Zak Cope has renounced his former anti-imperialist views and has embraced “the West,” zionism, and the legacies and ongoing realities of colonialism and imperialism. Kersplebedeb Publishing stands by Zak’s previous work and is saddened to see him now embracing the structures of oppression, exploitation, and genocide which he previously had stood against.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eLONGER VERSION:\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWe at Kersplebedeb Publishing were surprised to learn (to say the least) that Zak Cope, author of \u003cem\u003eDivided World Divided Class: Global Political Economy and the Stratification of Labour Under Capitalism\u003c\/em\u003e—which we published two editions of in 2012 and 2015, respectively—has had a dramatic change of opinion on seemingly every aspect of political economy in the last year (he implies that it was sparked by the events of October 7, 2023). In the \u003cem\u003ePalgrave Handbook of Contemporary Geopolitics \u003c\/em\u003e(2024), which Cope edited and to which he contributed two chapters, he describes his “personal and intellectual commitment to free markets, democracy, human rights, and the rule of law and the conservative and classical liberal values that uphold the same.” He declares his support for “the people of... Israel in their just struggle to overcome the imperialist and totalitarian forces bent on their destruction.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDespite this description of the opponents of the zionist state as “imperialist,” it is not clear whether Cope—who has been mainly known as a prominent theorist of anti-imperialism and defender of the theory of a global labour aristocracy—now thinks imperialism does not exist or just that it is a good thing. He compares foreign direct investment from the Global North into the Global South to “people who spend less than they earn... loan[ing] to those who spend more than they earn.” He denies that there is anything morally problematic in this relationship, arguing to the contrary that “free trade can and has led to historically unprecedented reductions in poverty rates worldwide.” He states that “Europe’s industrialization and economic take-off was largely endogenous, driven by technological innovation, entrepreneurship, liberal institutions, and scientific culture,” while “Colonialism and the slave trade played a relatively minor role.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCope now espouses right-wing shibboleths, such as the historically ignorant view that Nazi Germany was socialist (!) or that a domination of the social sciences by Marxism and postcolonialism (“the academic study of the cultural, political, and economic legacies of colonialism and imperialism,” as he defines it) has “seriously curtailed academic freedom.” He derisively refers to the concept of “European, Western, and ‘White’ oppression, exploitation, and racism,” a use of scare quotes implying that he views the entire concept of whiteness as being of questionable analytic utility, at a minimum. (Elsewhere, he uses scare quotes on “First World” and “Third World,” as well as “core” and “periphery.”) He approvingly cites Thatcher’s aphorism about socialism being broken by its dependence on an exhaustible supply of “other people’s money.” He rejects the labour theory of value and calls “counter[ing] anti-capitalism with reasoned, fact-based, and historically grounded argument... one of the most urgent cultural and political challenges of our time.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn a footnote, he “retract[s]” \u003cem\u003eDivided World \u003c\/em\u003eand \u003cem\u003eThe Wealth of Some Nations \u003c\/em\u003e(which he published with Pluto Press in 2019) for the reason that they are “based on Marxist views that are outright false or misleadingly one-sided.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWe share Cope’s desire to make a clear distinction between his past work and his output today and going forward—barring a second 180° degree rotation.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCope’s argument in \u003cem\u003eDivided World Divided Class\u003c\/em\u003e and similar writings was nothing more nor less than an assertion of the humanity of the people of the Third World (or Global South) and an attempt to explain their dehumanization in the realm of ideas (racism and national chauvinism) by reviewing their position in the realm of economics, as those who produce most of the world's enormous wealth yet receive scarcely any of its benefit. If there was a weakness to his approach, it was his reliance on a lot of numbers and statistics and math (themselves often the mystifying product of bourgeois economics) to show what could be illustrated much more simply and clearly in more concrete terms. But so it goes with “immanent critique”—our thought at the time was (and is now) that given the use of bourgeois economics to muddy the waters in order to hide the reality of imperialist exploitation, that there was value in using it to clarify and demystify.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCope’s new position—which comes as an utter shock to us, and which we find difficult to believe he can himself take seriously—does indeed amount to a complete reversal of this: a dehumanization of the global majority and an obfuscation and denial of the racism and national chauvinism to which they are subject.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eZak, wtf?\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e \u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e \u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNote to Readers: Kersplebedeb is making the ebook version of Divided World Divided Class, which we still consider to be a valuable contribution to understanding the world we live in, available free of charge via the leftwingbooks.net website: \u003ca href=\"www.leftwingbooks.net\/\/divided-world-divided-class-ebook\"\u003ewww.leftwingbooks.net\/\/divided-world-divided-class-ebook\u003c\/a\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003c\/div\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40175193981021,"sku":"9781894946681","price":20.96,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/coverDWDC2.jpg?v=1654987826"},{"product_id":"jailbreak-out-of-history-the-re-biography-of-harriet-tubman-the-evil-of-female-loaferism","title":"Jailbreak Out of History: The Re-Biography of Harriet Tubman, \u0026 \"The Evil of Female Loaferism\"","description":"\u003cp\u003eIn \u003cem\u003eJailbreak Out of History\u003c\/em\u003e, revolutionary Amazon theorist Butch Lee shows how the anticolonial struggles of New Afrikan\/Black women were central to the unfolding of 19th century amerika, both during and \"after\" slavery.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe book's title essay, \"The Re-Biography of Harriet Tubman\" (which can be read online \u003ca href=\"https:\/\/kersplebedeb.com\/posts\/jailbreak\/\" style=\"color: #07b1b9;\"\u003ehere\u003c\/a\u003e) recounts the life and politics of Harriet Tubman, who waged and eventually lead the war against the capitalist slave system. As Lee explains, \"Harriet Tubman was a radical political figure, someone totally involved as a player in the great political ideas and military storms of her day. She was a guerrilla. Someone who lived and taught others to live by the communal and working-class New Afrikan culture that her people had planted in this difficult ground, and a Black Feminist to the end.\"\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAt the same time, Lee exposes how the white supremacist patriarchy has distorted the truth of Harriet's life, by both trivializing and exceptionalizing her. Countering this disinformation, \"The Re-Biography of Harriet Tubman\" surveys the reality of struggle before and during the u.s. Civil War, showing how New Afrikan women were repeatedly taking up the task of smashing the slave system that confined them, on their own terms. Lee shows how what was special about Harriet was not that she was unique in resisting, but rather because of her military skill - \"She was one of the most brilliant professional practitioners ever at the art of war. As a guerrilla, so elusive that she could strike fatal blows and never be felt. Lead battles and go unseen. As an Amazon, she conducted warfare in a zone beyond men’s comprehension. But her blows still fell on point.\"\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eJailbreak Out of History\u003c\/em\u003e's second essay, written in 2014, picks up the story where The Re-Biography leaves off, showing how New Afrikan women's labor and resistance remained central to how the global class struggle played out in the united states after the white men's Civil War came to an end.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\"The Evil of Female Loaferism\" details New Afrikan women's attempts to withdraw from and evade capitalist colonialism, an unofficial but massive labor strike which threw the capitalists North and South into a panic. The ruling class response consisted of the \"Black Codes\", Jim Crow, re-enslavement through prison labor, mass violence, and ... the establishment of a neo-colonial Black patriarchy, whose task was to make New Afrikan women subordinate to New Afrikan men just as New Afrika was supposed to be subordinate to white amerika:\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\"During the Civil War and after 1865, New Afrikan women led a limited strategy of rebellion both spontaneous and conscious. Away from patriarchal capitalism and its attempts to re-enslave them. Living their communal culture created for survival during captivity. Mass withholding of their labor from plantations, insistence on their right to reject fulltime wage labor, fighting to regain control over their bodies in production and reproduction both, New Afrikan women in particular cracked the old plantation system. For without the mass labor gangs the old plantation system couldn’t work. The compromise they forced on the planter capitalists, even within the larger setback for liberation during the fall of Black Reconstruction, was the semi-feudal sharecropping system. Where families tilled fields and raised their children without white overseers although under the onerous class conditions of a defeated communal nation...\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\"New Afrikan women’s strategy back then grew spontaneously out of their daily lives, their experiences and needs. Not out of some textbook or some political protest routine. Stubbornly living communal culture and fighting capitalism is often ignored or dismissed as “impractical.” Yet and again, it was that partial strategy by women back then that proved most useful in real life. Still, it did not make that very difficult hurdle from the level of spontaneous breakout to the level of conscious strategy. In which analysis, tentative strategic understanding, new tactics \u0026amp; practice, criticism of results, and then the emergence of new strategy, all flow in a continuous dialectical circle of struggle. And those partial women’s struggles \u0026amp; victories, great as they were, underline the reality that if you don’t have a strategy to end a war then someone else will usually end it for you. But you won’t like it.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\"All these earlier battles throughout the New Afrikan nation still throw light for us on the latest battlefield. And on battles certain to come.\"\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003c\/blockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch5\u003eAbout the Author\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eButch Lee (1940–2021) was an Amazon theorist. Her work deals with the need to understand women's struggles in both their class and military dimensions, as well as the fundamental importance of grasping the relationship between colonialism, neo-colonialism, and patriarchy. Her other books include \u003ca href=\"https:\/\/leftwingbooks.net\/products\/the-military-strategy-of-women-and-children\"\u003eThe Military Strategy of Women and Children\u003c\/a\u003e and \u003ca href=\"https:\/\/leftwingbooks.net\/products\/night-vision-illuminating-war-and-class-on-the-neo-colonial-terrain\"\u003eNight-Vision: Illuminating War and Class on the Neo-Colonial Terrain\u003c\/a\u003e. Some of her other writings can be found on \u003ca href=\"https:\/\/kersplebedeb.com\/posts\/category\/authors\/butch_lee\/\"\u003ekersplebedeb.com\u003c\/a\u003e.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40175198175325,"sku":"9781894946704","price":12.56,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/jailbreak_cover1.jpg?v=1654987834"},{"product_id":"eurocentrism-and-the-communist-movement","title":"Eurocentrism and the Communist Movement","description":"\u003cp\u003eRobert Biel's \u003cem\u003eEurocentrism and the Communist Movement \u003c\/em\u003etraces the history of Eurocentric -- and anti-Eurocentric -- currents in the Marxist-Leninist tradition, arguing that this distortion was key to the development and spread of revisionism, and ultimately to the failures of the communist project, in the 20th century.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eA work of intellectual history, \u003cem\u003eEurocentrism and the Communist Movement \u003c\/em\u003eexplores the relationship between Eurocentrism, alienation, and racism, while tracing the different ideas about imperialism, colonialism, \"progress\", and non-European peoples as they were grappled with by revolutionaries in both the colonized and colonizing nations. Teasing out racist errors and anti-racist insights within this history, Biel reveals a century-long struggle to assert the centrality of the most exploited within the struggle against capitalism.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eThe roles of key figures in the Marxist-Leninist canon -- Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Mao -- within this struggle are explored, as are those of others whose work may be less familiar to some readers, such as Sultan Galiev, Lamine Senghor, Lin Biao, R.P. Dutt, Samir Amin, and others.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eEurocentrism and the Communist Movement was written in the context of the declining British Maoist movement of the late 1980s. As Robert Biel explains in his preface to this new edition,\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\"The work responded to a strong sense that the important task was to construct a Marxist theory of political economy which could reflect the real relationships in the contemporary world system. That was the constructive task but, before we could attempt it, we also had to conduct a negative task -- one of demolition: to identify and remove the blockage that stood in our way. This blockage was the thing we identified as Eurocentrism, a trend which imprisoned theory in an economistic and mechanical framework, denying the real dynamics of history in which the world outside the major European powers has always played such a major role, and does so still in the form of the liberation movements against all forms of oppression and neo-colonialism.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\"On the basis of the research conducted in the current book, I felt I was in a position to begin the constructive task, reflected in my book \u003cem\u003eThe New Imperialism\u003c\/em\u003e (2000). In this book, I sought to show that the superficial consolidation of world capitalism (then still in a somewhat triumphalist phase) was premised on an intensification of capitalism’s fundamental contradictions -- on the destruction of human resources and the physical environment—and that the different forms of alienation highlighted by Marx are still fully present, and more specifically, that the global order remains profoundly racist. In my most recent book, \u003cem\u003eThe Entropy of Capitalism \u003c\/em\u003e(2012), I have described a system now beginning to unravel under the force of these contradictions. In this sense, Eurocentrism and the Communist Movement forms the beginning of a trilogy, the more destructive and explicitly polemical part, aiming to clear the terrain.\"\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003c\/blockquote\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eIn pursuit of this \"destructive\", anti-racist and anti-colonial goal, Biel has made an important contribution to understanding the development of Marxist thought in the 19th and 20th centuries, with strategic implications for our current revolutionary project:\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\"Declining capitalism seems locked in a death-embrace with the symptoms of its own decay. While going to its own grave, it is determined to drag humanity down with it. To reverse this tendency is the task now facing the left.  ...  Where the system marginalises the periphery, the excluded, we must place them in the centre of the picture. ...  It is not certain that the radical forces will be able to seize this chance and rescue humanity. But, if armed with a historical understanding which identifies the most intensely oppressed and the most creative forces, it will indeed be equipped to rise to the challenge.\"\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003c\/blockquote\u003e\n\n\u003ch3\u003e\n\u003cbr\u003e\nWhat People Are Saying\u003c\/h3\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e“Robert Biel’s Eurocentrism and the Communist Movement is a conscientious and well-researched effort to present Eurocentrism as a colonial, racist and social-chauvinist mentality and phenomenon. It decries this problem as having overvalued European developments and influence under the rubric of ‘progress’, depreciated the history and dynamic of the oppressed peoples and nations, subordinated their revolutionary role and aspirations to the European states and industrial proletariat and in effect favoured colonialism and the slave trade and the entire train of consequences up to neocolonialism and neoliberalism.” -- Professor José María Sison, chairperson of the International Coordinating Committee, International League of Peoples’ Struggle\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e“Biel challenges not only Eurocentrism but the corresponding economic determinism that has frequently limited the scope and reach of radical Left social movements.  I found myself thinking about the famous phrase, attributed to Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci, to the effect that ‘...the truth is always revolutionary.’  To which I would add, no matter how challenging it may be to address it.” -- Bill Fletcher, Jr., co-author of \u003cem\u003eSolidarity Divided\u003c\/em\u003e; syndicated columnist\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e“A long overdue second appearance as it was singularly the most outstanding contribution in the checkered history of the anti-revisionist movement in Britain … an exciting, fertile exploration to developing the need to make concrete and relevant the general theses adopted in the 1960s.” -- Sam Richards, \u003cem\u003eEncyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism Online\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003ch3\u003e\n\u003cbr\u003e\nAbout the Author\u003c\/h3\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eRobert Biel teaches political ecology at University College London and is the author of The New Imperialism and The Entropy of Capitalism. He researches systems theory and conducts a wide-ranging practical programme on urban agriculture.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003eBook Details\u003c\/h4\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: Robert Biel\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eFormat: Paperback\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eISBN: 978-1-894946-71-1\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eSize: 215 pages\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003ePublisher: Kersplebedeb Publishing\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eYear: 2015\u003c\/div\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40175200501853,"sku":"9781894946711","price":15.08,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/eurocentrism_cover_0.jpg?v=1654987846"},{"product_id":"chican-power-and-the-struggle-for-aztlan","title":"Chican@ Power and the Struggle for Aztlan","description":"\u003cp\u003eFrom the Amerikan invasion and theft of Mexican lands, to present day migrants risking their lives to cross the U.$. border, the Chican@ nation has developed in a cauldron of national oppression and liberation struggles. This new book presents the history of the Chicano movement, exploring the colonialism and semi-colonialism that frames the Chican@ national identity. It also sheds new light on the modern repression and temptation that threaten liberation struggles by simultaneously pushing for submission and assimilation into Amerika.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eChicano Power and the Struggle for Aztlán\u003c\/em\u003e is a must read for all involved in national liberation struggles in the United $tates today. Integrating gender and class into the discussion of the Chican@ nation, this book frames the struggle in a much needed analysis of history. \u003cem\u003eChicano Power and the Struggle for Aztlán\u003c\/em\u003e lays the groundwork for the way forward for our struggle.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eRead about:\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cul\u003e\n\t\u003cli\u003eThe true history of Mexico and Amerika and the birth of the Chican@ nation\u003c\/li\u003e\n\t\u003cli\u003eMany revolutionary heroes of the Chican@ people\u003c\/li\u003e\n\t\u003cli\u003eModern torture methods used against conscious Chican@s\u003c\/li\u003e\n\t\u003cli\u003eThe class makeup of the nation today\u003c\/li\u003e\n\t\u003cli\u003eThe way forward for the national liberation movement\u003c\/li\u003e\n\u003c\/ul\u003e\n\n\u003ch5\u003eAbout the Authors\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eThe principal authors, Cipactli of the Brown Berets - Prison Chapter and Ehecatl, have served long prison sentences due to their class and nationality, and have worked many years as members of United Struggle from Within, the anti-imperialist prisoner organization.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eThis is the first book-length publication to come out of a MIM(Prisons)-led study group. This group included Chican@ scholars who come from the imprisoned lumpen class, spanning the divide imposed on the nation, north to south. The collaborative writing and editing effort began with the aim of bringing a clear analysis and history to the Chican@ masses. As the project grew, the final product is a vision of the path towards the liberation of Aztlán.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003eBook Details\u003c\/h4\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: a MIM(Prisons) Study Group\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: Cipactli\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: Ehecatl\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eFormat: Paperback\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eISBN: 978-1-894946-74-2\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eSize: 320 pages\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003ePublisher: Kersplebedeb Publishing\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eYear: 2015\u003c\/div\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40175201058909,"sku":"9781894946742","price":19.28,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/cover1.jpg?v=1654987847"},{"product_id":"is-china-an-imperialist-country","title":"Is China an Imperialist Country?","description":"\u003cp\u003eWhether or not China is now a capitalist-imperialist country is an issue on which there is some considerable disagreement, even within the revolutionary left. This book brings together theoretical, definitional and logical considerations, as well as the extensive empirical evidence which is now available, to demonstrate that China has indeed definitely become a capitalist-imperialist country. Indeed, the issue is raised of whether the current world imperialist system is in fact in the early stages of bifurcating into two competing imperialist blocs, one led by the United States and the other led by China.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eIs China an Imperialist Country?\u003c\/em\u003e contains extensive data on:\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cul\u003e\n\t\u003cli\u003ethe size and nature of the present Chinese capitalist economy; \u003c\/li\u003e\n\t\u003cli\u003ethe massive and rapidly growing export of capital from China, to Africa and around the world; \u003c\/li\u003e\n\t\u003cli\u003ethe very rapid expansion of the Chinese military for the purpose of ‘protecting’ China’s foreign investment; \u003c\/li\u003e\n\t\u003cli\u003ethe dangerous and growing contention between China and other imperialist powers, especially the United States. \u003c\/li\u003e\n\u003c\/ul\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eThis data is analyzed and interpreted in a Maoist framework, in order to decipher some of the implications of the past hundred years of Chinese—and world—history, for those who seek the overthrow and end to capitalism and imperialism in all its forms.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eReaders who wish to correspond with the author, NB Turner, please write to \u003ca href=\"mailto:nbturner14@gmail.com\"\u003enbturner14@gmail.com\u003c\/a\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003eBook Details\u003c\/h4\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: N.B. Turner et al.\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eFormat: Paperback\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eISBN: 978-1-894946-75-9\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eSize: 173 pages\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003ePublisher: Kersplebedeb Publishing\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eYear: 2015\u003c\/div\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40175220719709,"sku":"9781894946759","price":14.28,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/china_cover1.jpg?v=1654987921"},{"product_id":"panther-vision","title":"Panther Vision","description":"\u003cp\u003eKevin \"Rashid\" Johnson entered the u.s. prison system over 20 years ago, one of countless young Black men consigned to lifelong incarceration by the post-civil right policies of anti-Black genocide. While behind bars, Rashid encountered the ideas of revolutionary Black nationalism and Marxism-Leninism, and of the people and organizations who have used and developed these ideas in previous generations, foremost amongst these being the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense. Along with other Black\/New Afrikan prisoners, Rashid helped found the New Afrikan Black Panther Party-Prison Chapter, while using both his artwork and his political writings as avenues to advance the cause of liberation for all.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eHere, collected in book form for the first time, are Rashid's core writings as Minister of Defense of the NABPP-PC. Subjects addressed include the differences between anarchism and Marxism-Leninsm, the legacy of the Black Panther Party, the timeliness of Huey P. Newton's concept of revolutionary intercommunalism, the science of dialictical and historical materialsm, the practice of democratic centralism, as well as current events ranging from u.s. imperialist designs in Africa to national oppression of New Afrikans within u.s. borders. And much more.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eAs Professor Jared Ball explains in his preface,\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cblockquote\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"Rashid represents the fear expressed by COINTELPRO’s fearful question: What happens if this radicalism reaches successive generations and then explicitly calls for the same and more in their time? He both articulates to his contemporaries and those coming behind him the context in which their art exists, the shifts in the landscape that take us from African medallion hip-hop to the bling era. He can also demonstrate with wondrous skill the power artists have in articulating those same ideas, critiques and concepts of revolution. Rashid in this sense becomes the problem he has himself warned is necessary.\"\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/blockquote\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e \u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eForeword by Jalil Muntaqim, introduction by Jared Ball; afterwords By George Katsiaficas and Tom Big Warrior.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e \u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003ch5\u003eWhat People Are Saying\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e“The original Black Panther Party for Self-Defense challenged the prevailing socio-political and economic relationship between the government and Black people. The New Afrikan Black Panther Party is building on that foundation, and Rashid’s writings embrace the need for a national organization in place of that which had been destroyed by COINTELPRO and racist repression. We can only hope this book reaches many, and serves to herald and light a means for the next generation of revolutionaries to succeed in building a mass and popular movement.”\u003cbr\u003e\nJalil Muntaqim, Prisoner of War\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e“All Praise due to Brother Kevin Rashid Johnson, for his courage, determination and commitment from deep within the belly of the beast. For using his pen as a weapon to put forth his vision and perspectives, to inform and enlighten, to be discussed and evaluated.”\u003cbr\u003e\nEmory Douglas, Revolutionary Artist \u0026amp; Former Minister of Culture, Black Panther Party 1967–1981\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e“The U.S. is a society that originally based itself on a form of prison labor called slavery. Then it based itself on a form of slavery called racial segregation. Now it sets at the core of its political culture a form of racial segregation called the prison industry, run by a judicial machine. Each of these phases of U.S. history has used its racialization of class relations to render its class exploitation extreme. As with all exploitation, there is resistance. Today, Rashid’s is one of the most powerful voices of that resistance.”\u003cbr\u003e\nSteve Martinot, author of \u003cem\u003eThe Rule of Racialization\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e \u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\"Kevin \"Rashid\" Johnson's \u003cem\u003ePanther Vision\u003c\/em\u003e is an extraordinary testimony to the human capacity to struggle against oppression.  Johnson, a Virginia prisoner, who has been moved to Oregon and Texas, is a radical writer, artist, and organizer and co-founder and current Minister of Defense of the New Afrikan Black Panther Party Prison Chapter (NABPP-PC). The theme of struggle against capitalism and white supremacy as central to revolutionary change runs throughout this collection of thirty-eight articles (written between 2005 and 2015) and fifty-five, often extraordinary, drawings – most done with only a pen. \u003cem\u003ePanther Vision\u003c\/em\u003e breaks out of the walls of physical imprisonment to treat such topics as politics, history, theory, organization, Troy Davis, Trayvon Martin, and Michael Brown. It discusses well-known figures such as Marx, Lenin, Mao, Angela Davis, George Jackson, Ella Baker, Huey P. Newton, Assata Shakur, Kwame Nkrumah, Amilcar Cabral, Howard Zinn, George Jackson, and lesser known, but important writers such as Hubert Harrison and Theodore W. Allen. \"Rashid\" Johnson's \u003cem\u003ePanther Vision\u003c\/em\u003e is a remarkable achievement -- the power of his writings, art, and thought cannot be jailed and will continue to reach wider audiences and grow in importance.\" -- Jeffrey B. Perry, author, \u003cem\u003eHubert Harrison: The Voice of Harlem Radicalism, 1883-1918\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003eBook Details\u003c\/h4\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: Kevin Rashid Johnson\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eFormat: Paperback\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eISBN: 9781894946766\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eSize: 496 pages\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003ePublisher: Kersplebedeb Publishing\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eYear: 2015\u003c\/div\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40175224356957,"sku":"9781894946766","price":20.96,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/panthervision.jpg?v=1654987936"},{"product_id":"ctrl-alt-delete-an-antifascist-report-on-the-alternative-right","title":"Ctrl-Alt-Delete: An Antifascist Report on the Alternative Right","description":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eThis book addresses the origins and rise of the so-called “alt-right,” the fascistic movement that grabbed headlines in the months leading up to the 2016 election of Donald Trump as president of the United States.\u003c\/strong\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe first essay, Matthew Lyons’s “Ctrl-Alt-Delete,” is a thorough survey of the origins of the alt-right, a look at its constituent parts and beliefs at the present time, as well as observations about how its future relationship with the Trump administration may play out. Of particular interest, Lyons draws attention to the importance of sexism and misogyny within this movement, to its long-term “metapolitical” strategy, as well as to the tensions between the disparate groups that have found their home under its banner.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eLyons’s essay was already in the works prior to the developments of 2016, part of a broader study of anti-systemic far right movements in the United States. That book, \u003cem\u003eInsurgent Supremacists\u003c\/em\u003e, is due out from Kersplebedeb and PM Press in 2018. Given the rapid developments of the past few months, however, it was felt important to make his chapter on the alt-right available as soon as possible – therein lies the origin of this publication.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSupplementing “Ctrl-Alt-Delete” is an essay written by comrades from the Its Going Down website, “The Rich Kids of Fascism.” This is a view from activists currently involved in opposing both the far right and the state, on the streets. As its title would imply, \"Rich Kids\" focuses on the elitist class politics of the alt right, and how that sets it apart from other far right phenomenon like boneheads or militias. Looking at the alt-right’s fortunes over the past few years, IGD show the role played by both the media, and white racist fears about the ongoing struggles of Black people and immigrants, in feeding this threat.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAn appendix, “Notes on Trump,” by Bromma, serves not so much as a counterpoint, as a contextualization. Not directly addressing the alt-right itself, Bromma’s Notes posit that the election of Trump and the rise of the far right are not simple accidents of history, nor the result of some single failure on our side or success on theirs, but are conjoined expressions of a deep shift within the world economy. As he argues, “What’s coming into view, semi-hidden underneath the frenzied soap opera of reactionary populism, is that the tide of globalization has crested and started to recede.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe alt right in one expression of this reactionary moment. We must oppose them, but also prepare ourselves to oppose what might come next. Understanding one’s enemy can only help in this regard, and indeed a thorough understanding of an opposing political force can also help us prepare for future far right iterations.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThat is why this book is being offered now. A tool for work that needs doing. Let’s get started.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003eBook Details\u003c\/h4\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: Matthew N. Lyons\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: Its Going Down\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: Bromma\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eFormat: Paperback\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eISBN: 978-1-894946-85-8\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eSize: 108 pages\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003ePublisher: Kersplebedeb Publishing\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eYear: 2017\u003c\/div\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40175240937565,"sku":"9781894946858","price":8.4,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/ctrlaltdelete_cover.png?v=1654988011"},{"product_id":"austerity-apparatus","title":"Austerity Apparatus","description":"\u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\"By 2009, every anti-worker ideologue and their devotees had a popularized concept under which to mobilize their arguments about how and why workers should absorb the excesses of those capitalists who wanted to maintain their wealthy lifestyles: austerity. In this sense, the austerity apparatus is simply that which functions to police the everyday operations of crisis capitalism. In another sense this apparatus is the mobilization of operations that are a normative part of capitalism even without a crisis  But this is simply due to the fact that economic crises are also part of capitalism’s day-to-day functioning: capitalism is crisis, implicitly or explicitly.\"\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003c\/blockquote\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eAn excavation of the ideology of austerity and its relationship to the mechanisms of capitalism, \u003cem\u003eAusterity Apparatus\u003c\/em\u003e is a philosophical excursion through a variety of concepts surrounding capitalist crisis and class struggle. Written as a series of interconnected meditations on the problematic of austerity, \u003cem\u003eAusterity Apparatus\u003c\/em\u003e is a creative intervention rather than a polemic or rigorous analysis; it is designed to force reflection on the ways in which contemporary capitalism conditions its subjects to accept its limits.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eIn examining the problematic of austerity, Moufawad-Paul also discusses the relationship between neoliberalism and fascism and the ways in which the latter is immanent to capitalism. This aspect of \u003cem\u003eAusterity Apparatus\u003c\/em\u003e should be of particular interest to readers exploring the meaning of the contemporary re-emergence of fascist politics.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e \u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003ch5\u003eWhat People Are Saying\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e“Accessible without losing its edge, the language fantastically compelling while also being as precise and uncompromising as a bullet.”\u003cbr\u003e\nBenjanun Sriduangkaew, award-nominated author of \u003cem\u003eScale-Bright\u003c\/em\u003e, the upcoming Winterglass, and various stories appearing in \u003cem\u003eClarkesworld\u003c\/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eApex\u003c\/em\u003e, and collections of the year’s best speculative fiction\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\n“This book is an unapologetic, militant critique of contemporary capitalism. Moufawad-Paul’s skillful arguments are a testament to the necessary centrality of class politics, indeed class war, to any anti-capitalist struggle worthy of its name. Drawing not only on Marx, Lenin, and Mao, but also more recent analyses, this book disassembles the politics of austerity in our world, offering hope that the left can be, or is, more than the sum of its parts.”\u003cbr\u003e\nColleen Bell, Assistant Professor of Political Studies at University of Saskatchewan, author of \u003cem\u003eThe Freedom of Security\u003c\/em\u003e and co-editor of \u003cem\u003eWar, Police, and Assemblages of Intervention.\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003eBook Details\u003c\/h4\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: J. Moufawad-Paul\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eFormat: paperback\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eISBN: 978-1-894946-89-6\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eSize: 167 pages\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003ePublisher: Kersplebedeb Publishing\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eYear: 2017\u003c\/div\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40175242215517,"sku":"9781894946896","price":10.08,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/austerityapparatuscover.jpg?v=1654988017"},{"product_id":"the-dangerous-class-and-revolutionary-theory","title":"The Dangerous Class and Revolutionary Theory","description":"\u003cp\u003eThe crisis of revolutionary theory right now is that it’s plain too old and obsolete. Meaning that in practice it’s largely unusable. This is understood as a practical reality, and we usually leave revolutionary theory behind us in the attic when people go out to play. Nowhere is this more true than when it comes to the lumpen\/proletariat, that most dramatic, most elusive of maybe-­or-­maybe-­not “classes.” This matters because the revolutionary movement and the lumpen have a much longer and more involved relationship than we’ve fully owned up to. Whether revolutionaries think it’s good or not, the lumpen are going to play a big part in everyone’s future. No better place, then, to start remaking the tool of theory.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eCriminalization is a basic condition of our paradoxically growing yet collapsing, glittering but increasingly decaying late capitalism. Shaping the zone of the poorest and most exploited in postmodern society, the zone of the dispossessed that everyone knows of. Here it’s often called the inner city or the rez. Same same as elsewhere it’s called the favela or the ghetto, the bantustan or banlieue. Every capitalist nation or society has its own name for it; it’s always different and always the same, because it is where the dispossessed have to gather, to live and struggle to survive. It’s where criminality is out front and where the lumpen\/proletariat are mass produced as jagged fragments or strata of “partial-­class.” While the lumpen fall from all classes, it is in these zones of the dispossessed that they reach an open and mass character. That they themselves can take over the life of parts of the neighborhood and make it “home.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eOut of this enduring culture and criminalization of the zone, lumpen\/proletarians are constantly being made in larger and larger numbers even in the most technologically advanced and affluent nations of imperialist “civilization.” Of all the classes of capitalist society, it is the lumpen\/proletariat that has the most outdated theory attached to it. Just scraps of theory, really. Still pictured by many socialists as a small and marginal maybe-­or-­maybe-­not “class,” wretched and largely unimportant to revolutionary change. But today the lumpen have become major players in the political crises of both left and right. This is something that has to be picked up, no matter how white-­hot to the touch.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e \u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eJ. Sakai’s ground-breaking, \u003cem\u003eThe “Dangerous Class” and Revolutionary Theory: Thoughts on the Making of the Lumpen\/Proletariat\u003c\/em\u003e, is our first major exploration of this most controversial and least understood “non-class” in revolutionary politics. It is an attempt to unknot the puzzle.  It encompasses the threads of criminality as well as gender, of breaking social boundaries and eating the bitterest of class politics. \u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eAt all times, the author interrogates the forming of left theory on this “dangerous class” by the highway flare  of his own experiences, and more importantly the mass violent liberation wars of the 1950s-1960s. This is not a memoir, though, but an explanation of how anti-capitalist class theory is hammered out while red-hot.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eFrom the day Marx \u0026amp; Engels’ \u003cem\u003eCommunist Manifesto \u003c\/em\u003efirst lit up the “dangerous class” of jumbled criminals and outcasts on the far margins of society—those stickup-boys and sex workers and thieves and mercenaries whom they named the lumpen\/proletariat–radicals have been uncertain what their role should be, and even how they should be discussed.   In no other area of the class structure has there been such widely divergent anti-capitalist viewpoints. Who are allies, who are enemies?\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eWhile great 20th century rebels of the capitalist periphery from Mao Z to Huey Newton forced the sharp evolution of left work with the lumpen, the general uncertainty has only persisted.  Confusing not only our immediate practice but even larger anti-capitalist theory about class politics. Sakai’s work comes at a time when there has been renewed interest in politically locating the lumpen—as they assume a larger and larger role at the cutting edge of world upheaval.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eThe “Dangerous Class” and Revolutionary Theory \u003c\/em\u003eis not only novel for its subject but in its approach.  The author shows how the vulgar “socialist” picture of noble working people on one side of a divide and unsavory criminals and outcasts on the other, has never been true.  But, rather,  that the emerging outcast lumpen\/proletariat and the new capitalist lower working class that they painfully grew out of—were both criminalized at birth in the rise of euro-capitalism. In all this, Sakai follows the actual “non-class” development of the lumpen in capitalism alongside the development of left theory on these declassed elements.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eThe “Dangerous Class” and Revolutionary Theory \u003c\/em\u003estarts with the paper of that name, on the birth of the modern lumpen\/proletariat in the 18th and 19th centuries and the storm cloud of revolutionary theory that has always surrounded them.  Going back and piecing together both the actual social reality and the analyses primarily of Marx but also Bakunin and Engels, the paper shows how Marx’s class theory wasn’t something static. His views learned in quick jumps, and then all but reversed themselves in several significant aspects.  While at first dismissing them in the \u003cem\u003eCommunist Manifesto \u003c\/em\u003eas “that passively rotting mass” at the obscure lower depths, Marx soon realized that the lumpen could be players at the very center of events in revolutionary civil war. Even at the center in the startling rise of new regimes.  Like his was at times almost a post-modern understanding.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e \u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cimg alt=\"\" src=\"http:\/\/kersplebedeb.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/10\/lumpen-mao1.jpg\" style=\"width: 359px; height: 417px; float: left;\"\u003eThe second part consists of the detailed paper \u003cem\u003eMao Z’s Revolutionary Laboratory and the Role of the Lumpen Proletariat\u003c\/em\u003e. This, too, is ground-breaking work. If the major revolutionary theory we have about the lumpen was first roughly assembled in 19th century Europe, these ideas weren’t put to the test then. As Sakai points out, the left’s euro-centrism here prevented it from realizing the obvious: that the basic theory from European radicalism was first fully tested not there or here but in the Chinese Revolution of 1921-1949. Under severely clashing political lines in the left, the class analysis finally used by Mao Z was shaken out of the shipping crate from Europe and then modified to map the organizing of millions over a prolonged generational revolutionary war. One could hardly wish for a larger test tube, and the many lessons to be learned from this mass political experience are finally put on the table.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eIn addition, there are also two lively Addendums:  The first is an informal correspondence, a back and forth of questions raised by an early draft of The “Dangerous Class” and Revolutionary Theory, between the book’s editor and J. Sakai. It starts with the question of how to place the traditional gay community in this? The second Addendum is a reprint of J. Sakai’s 1976 covert intelligence paper, \"U.S. Experiment Using Black “Gangs” to Repress Black Community Rebellions\" (circulated under the earlier title “The Lumpenproletariat and Repression”). There is both an extensive Foreword explaining the politics and circumstances that led to this paper, as well as an Afterword explaining how the education paper was used and some critical reaction to it.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e \u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e \u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e \u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\nJ. Sakai is a revolutionary intellectual with decades of experience as an activist in the U.S. As he explains about the path that led him to writing Settlers, his first book:\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"In the Fall 1961, i found myself with other militant Sit-In veterans in the reborn Oakland chapter of Congress of Racial Equality, picketing a major store which had refused to hire New Afrikans. Even in the Bay Area that was the custom and law back then.  It had started years earlier for me in high school in L.A.'s 1950's San Fernando Valley (sent by my family after flunking out of school in Chicago). Where as the lone uneducated leftist i had tried unsuccessfully to sell copies of the socialist labor party newspaper (the only one i could get) every week to my classmates. At the same time was working as an Asian houseboy for the family of a Jewish used car dealer (stereotypes abound for a reason). Was fired for taking a night off for my own high school graduation.  The wife lost it and screamed, \"People like you don't need graduations!\" A month later was living in a different state to find a job and avoid the \"colored\" military draft. And active as the novice food drive coordinator in a long, bitter, ugly hospital workers' strike, whose main public demand was pay raises up to the federal minimum wage (we lost badly).\u003cbr\u003e\n \u003cbr\u003e\nHave been through a thousand campaigns and movement groups since then, and can't believe i've been so dumb so often. In 1975, while mostly active doing Afrikan liberation movement support with radical exiles from various countries, i started writing a historical investigation into the puzzling class politics of euro-amerikan workers. Which i naively thought would only be a quick movement paper. Eight years later what became re-titled as Settlers was finished. Even then i didn't believe there was any audience for it, and planned to only photocopy fifty copies of my typed draft for internal education in the underground black liberation army coordinating committee. Comrades with more sense than myself insisted that we publish it as a book if only for the liberation movement. Over the years, we took it through three editions, but finally it's time to hand it on to new publishers. Remember only, i wrote this with my life.\"\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eBook Details\u003c\/h3\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: J. Sakai\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eFormat: paperback\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eISBN: 978-1-894946-90-2\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eSize: 308 pages\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003ePublisher: Kersplebedeb Publishing\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eYear: 2017\u003c\/div\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40175253553245,"sku":"9781894946902","price":20.96,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/2021cover-dangrousclass-mao1-amazon.jpg?v=1654988066"},{"product_id":"the-global-perspective-reflections-on-imperialism-and-resistance","title":"The Global Perspective: Reflections on Imperialism and Resistance","description":"\u003cp\u003eIn the 1970s and 80s, Torkil Lauesen was a member of a clandestine communist cell which carried out a series of robberies in Denmark, netting very large sums which were then sent on to various national liberation movements in the Third World. Following their capture in 1989, Torkil would spend six years in prison. In 2016, Lauesen’s book \u003cem\u003eDet Globale Perspektiv\u003c\/em\u003e was released in Denmark. In it, he explains how he sees the world political situation today, and his thoughts about the future. In 2018, Kersplebedeb Publishing is pleased to release the English language edition of this book, translated by \u003ca data-lwsa=\"eyJhdXRvbGluayI6dHJ1ZSwiYXV0b19pZCI6IjkwMDQifQ==\" href=\"https:\/\/leftwingbooks.net\/collections\/all\/gabriel-kuhn\" title=\"Gabriel Kuhn\"\u003eGabriel Kuhn\u003c\/a\u003e, and with a Preface by Dr. Zak Cope.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eAs Lauesen details, we today live in a world of massive and unprecedented inequality. Never before has humanity been so starkly divided between the “haves” and the “have nots”. Never before has the global situation been accelerating so quickly. The Third World national liberation movements of the 20th century very much triggered the liberatory movements that did manage to emerge in the First World, and seemed for an all-too-brief moment to point to an escape hatch from history’s downward spiral ... but for many today that all seems like ancient history.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eThe Global Perspective\u003c\/em\u003e bridges the gap between Third Worldist theory, and the question of “What Is To Be Done?” in a First World context. It is an important contribution towards developing an effective political practice based on the realities of the global situation, avoiding the pitfalls of sugarcoating the situation with the First World populations, or of falling into pessimistic quietism. It bridges the gap not only between generations, but also between theory and practice. As Lauesen says, “It is a book written by an activist, for activists. Global capitalism is heading into a deep structural crisis in the coming decades, so the objective conditions for radical change will be present, for better or for worse. The outcome will depend on us, the subjective forces.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\n\u003cbr\u003e\n \u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003ch5\u003eWhat People Are Saying\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e“The central concerns of Lauesen’s book are the misery of the global masses and the global class structures that keep that misery in place, as well as the question: What can be done about it?” — Gernot Köhler, author of \u003cem\u003eThe Global Wage System: A Study of International Wage Differences\u003c\/em\u003e and \u003cem\u003eGlobal Economics: An Introductory Course\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e“There are autobiographies by radicals and there are analyses of imperialism. If you want both in one, this book is for you.” — Klaus Viehmann, auhor of \u003cem\u003ePrison Round Trip\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e“With \u003cem\u003eThe Global Perspective\u003c\/em\u003e, \u003ca data-lwsa=\"eyJhdXRvbGluayI6dHJ1ZSwiYXV0b19pZCI6IjM0NTM5In0=\" href=\"https:\/\/leftwingbooks.net\/collections\/all\/torkil-lauesen\" title=\"Torkil Lauesen\"\u003eTorkil Lauesen\u003c\/a\u003e is re-vitalizing important discussions on the radical left. The book offers important insights and analytical tools with which to study contemporary political and economic changes, something that is equally important for political activists and academics alike. By incorporating unequal exchange into the study of  political economy, Lauesen conveys a strong case for a global perspective.” — Rasmus Alex Wendt, author of \u003cem\u003eTRIPs in India: An analysis of the impact of global governance on political processes in India\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e“As global inequality and poverty has reached its highest apogee today, The Global Perspective is a crucial contribution to the study of imperialism and anti-imperialism, revealing that the political, economic, and military legacy of European colonial intervention remains stronger than ever.  This work by Torkil Lauesen has produced a comprehensive and highly accessible contribution to understanding the history, theory and nature of imperialism for those of us searching for a practice of resistance; drawing on essential classical and modern theoretical approaches. As research and academic study of imperialism returns center stage, Lauesen vividly reveals how it maintains and increases living standards in the Global North as it grinds down 85 percent of all humanity in the Global South.   The Global Perspective is an ethical call for mindfulness beyond ourselves, nations, and regions and toward the possibility a praxis for international solidarity.  In this way, The Global Perspective is a very hopeful book invaluable to students of imperialism and serious practitioners of the struggle against global exploitation.” — Immanuel Ness, author of \u003cem\u003eSouthern Insurgency: The Coming of the Global Working Class\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\"With \u003cem\u003eThe Global Perspective \u003c\/em\u003eTorkil Lauesen not only synthesizes the classic works of anti-imperialist political economy but joins the ranks of contemporary radical political economists, such as Robert Biel and John Smith, whose creative innovations in developing updated and integrated theories of imperialism and capitalism contribute to an understanding of the global contradictions of the current conjuncture. By recentering the Marxist theory of value, while putting it into dialogue with concepts such as the biopolitical, Lauesen injects new life into the former while transforming the latter according to materialist foundations. Alongside his whirlwind tour of anti-imperialist political economy and the current structure of global capitalism, Lauesen delivers a necessary shit-kicking to those works of political economy––both neoliberal and pseudo-radical––that have festered in the open wound of the so-called 'end of history'. Hopefully one consequence of this book is that Marxist-inclined readers will never take trash theories of 'debt economy' and 'immaterial labour' seriously again. Traversing the fault lines and lines of flight of contemporary imperialism, Lauesen cannot help but recognize, as any dedicated Marxist should, that the objective circumstances are primed for revolution but the subjective circumstances are lagging behind. The questions he raises concerning this subjective dimension, what is to be done, are necessarily controversial but, at the very least, will create openings for further debate and dialogue. As a side point I must say that it is inspiring to witness militants from the past generation of anti-imperialist struggle, who have paid a high cost for their contributions, to not only stay the course but be willing to creatively adapt to transformed circumstances.\" — J. Moufawad-Paul, author of \u003cem\u003eThe Communist Necessity\u003c\/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eContinuity and Rupture\u003c\/em\u003e, and \u003cem\u003eAusterity Apparatus\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e“Torkil Lauesen’s The Global Perspective is an accessible, wide-ranging, and heartfelt overview of the theory and practice of anti-imperialism over time, written by an indomitable veteran of the struggle. It combines solid theory with illuminating personal narrative. This book can be used as an excellent introduction to the study of imperialism. But it’s also a carefully considered political summation of the anti-imperialist movement, something that will be of great interest to experienced activists. Because of the book’s impressive breadth and distinct point of view, some of its specific assertions will be controversial. But that’s part of what makes it valuable. I think that The Global Perspective is an excellent launch pad for a renewed discussion about the nature of modern imperialism—a discussion we urgently need.” Bromma, author of \u003cem\u003eThe Worker Elite: Notes on the ‘Labor Aristocracy’\u003c\/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eExodus and Reconstruction: Working-Class Women at the Heart of Globalization\u003c\/em\u003e, and \u003cem\u003eRacist ‘Anti-Imperialism’? Class, Colonialism and the Zapatistas\u003c\/em\u003e.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e \u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003ch5\u003eAbout the Author\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eTorkil Lauesen is a longtime anti-imperialist activist and writer living in Denmark. From 1970 to 1989, he was full-time member of a communist anti-imperialist group, supporting Third World liberation movements by both legal and illegal means. He worked occasionally as a glass factory worker, mail carrier, and laboratory worker, in order to be able to stay on the dole. In connection with support work, he has traveled in Lebanon, Syria, Zimbabwe, South Africa, the Philippines, and Mexico. In the 1990s, while in prison, he was involved in prison activism and received a Masters degree in political science. He is currently a member of International Forum, an anti-imperialist organization based in Denmark.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eZak Cope is co-editor of the \u003cem\u003eJournal of Labor and Society \u003c\/em\u003eand co-editor of the \u003cem\u003ePalgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism\u003c\/em\u003e. His is also the author of \u003cem\u003eDivided World Divided Class: Global Political Economy and the Stratification of Labour under Capitalism\u003c\/em\u003e.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eBook Details\u003c\/h3\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: Torkil Lauesen\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eFormat: Paperback\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eISBN: 978-1-894946-93-3\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eSize: 544 pages\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003ePublisher: Kersplebedeb Publishing\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eYear: 2018\u003c\/div\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40175270690909,"sku":"9781894946933","price":20.96,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/global_perspectiver.png?v=1654988142"},{"product_id":"strike-one-to-educate-one-hundred-the-rise-of-the-red-brigades-1960s-1970s","title":"Strike One to Educate One Hundred: The Rise of the Red Brigades 1960s-1970s","description":"\u003cp\u003eWhen \u003cem\u003eStrike One to Educate One Hundred\u003c\/em\u003e was written, Italy’s Red Brigades were crashing out of our daily newspapers into everyone’s awareness. Yet, almost no real information about them was available here.  \u003cem\u003eStrike One\u003c\/em\u003e was written for that need.  It was not an academic study. It was written by people who were doing it, and read by people who wanted to do it.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eNow there are many books and countless papers and articles about the Red Brigades’ history, but most are from a police and state point of view. \u003cem\u003eStrike One\u003c\/em\u003e is still a unique and practically useful work, because it tells the other side, of innovative anti-capitalism.  It details how the spectre of urban guerrilla warfare grew at last out of the industrial centers of modern Italy. Showing how this was a political project of a young working class layer that was fed up with reformism’s lies. The authors, who were varied supporters who chose to remain anonymous due to Italy and NATO’s draconian “anti-terrorist” laws, tell much of this story in the militants’ own words:  in translations of key political documents, news reports and communiqués.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003ePractical details of the BR’s innovative politics are a backbone of this book, and especially about its distinctive fighting style in the early defining battles .  These working class rebels were categorically opposed to bombings—which they labeled as the indiscriminate, anti-working class tactics of fascists and right-wingers—opposing any armed violence which couldn’t precisely target the ruling class and its active servants. This writing also placed that urban guerrilla project in its context in Italy’s large, complex 1960s left. Long circulated by left circles as a photocopy, \u003cem\u003eStrike One\u003c\/em\u003e is finally published here as a book for the first time.\u003cbr\u003e\n \u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003eBook Details\u003c\/h4\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: Chris Aronson Beck\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: Reggie Emiliana\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: Lee Morris\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: Ollie Patterson\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eFormat: paperback\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eISBN: 978-1-894946-98-8\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eSize: 296 pages\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003ePublisher: Kersplebedeb Publishing\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eYear: 2019\u003c\/div\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40175284191325,"sku":"9781894946988","price":20.96,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/strikeone_g.jpg?v=1654988237"},{"product_id":"1978-a-new-stage-in-the-class-war-selected-documents-from-the-spring-campaign-of-the-red-brigades","title":"1978: A New Stage in the Class War? Selected Documents from the Spring Campaign of the Red Brigades","description":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e1978: A New Stage in the Class War? Selected Documents from the Spring Campaign of the Red Brigades\u003c\/em\u003e, presents for the first time to English language readers a selection of documents on the strategic logic and conjunctural analysis behind the 1978 offensive of the Red Brigades which brought that organizations strategy of “attack on the heart of the state” to a climax and induced a national political crisis. The book includes:\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e- the February 1978 “Resolution of the Strategic Leadership” which presents the BR strategy of protracted armed struggle in the context of their analysis of the “imperialist state of the multinationals” and of the class composition of the Italian social formation.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e- The nine communiques issued by the group during the captivity of Moro.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e- The editorial “Achtung Banditi” from the June 1978 issue of the Marxist-Leninist journal Corrispondenza Internazionale which sharply criticizes the strategic line of the BR from a revolutionary perspective sympathetic to armed struggle.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e- The March 1979 document “The Spring Campaign: Capture, Trial, and Execution of the President of the DC, Aldo Moro” which further clarifies what the BR meant by the “heart of the state”, criticizes the “anti-political” alternatives offered by elements within Autonomy and extensively discusses their understanding of how the national crisis developed as a result of their action.\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch5\u003e\u003cu\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTable of Contents\u003c\/strong\u003e\u003c\/u\u003e\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAcronym Key ......... 5\u003cbr\u003e Introduction ......... 11\u003cbr\u003e Chronology ......... 19\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cbr\u003e \u003cstrong\u003eResolution of the Strategic Directorate of the Red Brigades (February 1978) ......... 29\u003c\/strong\u003e\u003cbr\u003e \u003cu\u003ePart One ......... 31\u003c\/u\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The Imperialism of the Multinationals ......... 31\u003cbr\u003e Imperialism and War ......... 33\u003cbr\u003e The Imperialist State of the Multinationals ......... 35\u003cbr\u003e Creation of An Imperialist Political Personnel ......... 36\u003cbr\u003e The Rigid Centralization of the State Structure Under the Control of the Executive ......... 40\u003cbr\u003e In the Imperialist State, Reformism and Annihilation Are Integrated Forms of the Same Function,\u003cbr\u003e the Preventative Counter-­Revolution ......... 42\u003cbr\u003e The Imperialist State of the Multinationals Is\u003cbr\u003e Neither Fascist Nor Social Democratic ......... 44\u003cbr\u003e Industrial Restructuring ......... 50\u003cbr\u003e Proletarian Violence and Imperialist Counter-­Revolution ......... 55\u003cbr\u003e A New Proletarian Figure: The “Political Criminal”\u003cbr\u003e Or the Urban Guerrilla ......... 58\u003cbr\u003e The Repressive Mutual Assistance Agreement\u003cbr\u003e Between the Imperialist States ......... 59\u003cbr\u003e From the Repressive Mutual Assistance Agreement to the Joint Organization of the Police ......... 62\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cu\u003ePart Two ......... 63\u003c\/u\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The Apparatus of Preventative Counter-­Revolution In Our Country ......... 63\u003cbr\u003e The Way Out of the Crisis ......... 84\u003cbr\u003e Stage and Conjuncture ......... 86\u003cbr\u003e The Current Conjuncture:\u003cbr\u003e Transition From Armed Peace to War ......... 87\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cu\u003ePart Three ......... 90\u003c\/u\u003e\u003cbr\u003e On the Guerrilla’s Methods of Action In the Current Conjuncture ......... 90\u003cbr\u003e The Metropolitan Proletariat and the\u003cbr\u003e Proletarian Movement of Offensive Resistance ......... 92\u003cbr\u003e The Working Class ......... 94\u003cbr\u003e The Intellectual Reserve Army ......... 100\u003cbr\u003e The Petty Bourgeoisie ......... 101\u003cbr\u003e Women Workers ......... 102\u003cbr\u003e The Guerrilla and Proletarian Power ......... 106\u003cbr\u003e The Fighting Communist Party ......... 108\u003cbr\u003e The Combat Fronts ......... 113\u003cbr\u003e Italy Is A Weak Link In the Imperialist Chain ......... 114\u003cbr\u003e The Guerrilla Is the Organizational Form of Proletarian Internationalism In the Metropole ......... 115\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNote 1 ......... 119\u003cbr\u003e Note 2 ......... 124\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eMoro Communiqués ......... 127\u003c\/strong\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Communiqué #1 (March 18, 1978) ......... 129\u003cbr\u003e Communiqué #2 (March 25, 1978) ......... 132\u003cbr\u003e Communiqué #3 (March 29, 1978) ......... 137\u003cbr\u003e Communiqué #4 (April 4, 1978) ......... 141\u003cbr\u003e Communiqué #5 (April 10, 1978) ......... 145\u003cbr\u003e Communiqué #6 (April 15, 1978) ......... 148\u003cbr\u003e Communiqué #7 (April 20, 1978) ......... 151\u003cbr\u003e Communiqué #8 (April 24, 1978) ......... 154\u003cbr\u003e Communiqué #9 (May 5, 1978) ......... 158\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eRed Brigades #6 the Spring Campaign: the Capture, Trial, and Execution of the President of the DC, Aldo Moro (March 1979) ......... 163\u003c\/strong\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The Spring Campaign ......... 165\u003cbr\u003e The Ugly Intentions of the Imperialist Bourgeoisie\u003cbr\u003e On the Eve of March 16th ......... 166\u003cbr\u003e “Programmatic Agreement” Or the “Heart of the State” ......... 161\u003cbr\u003e Two Lines On Building Proletarian Power ......... 168\u003cbr\u003e Offensive Strengthening Or Defensive Contraction? ......... 171\u003cbr\u003e Armed Propaganda, Combative Agitation, Mass Media ......... 173\u003cbr\u003e “No Negotiation”—Or, the Policy of “Doing Nothing” ......... 176\u003cbr\u003e The “Firmness” of the Jackals—Or, the Policy of the PCI ......... 182\u003cbr\u003e Strategic Weakening of the DC ......... 185\u003cbr\u003e Political Weakening of the BR ......... 185\u003cbr\u003e On Some Words and Questions ......... 186\u003cbr\u003e The Capture of Moro and the\u003cbr\u003e Annihilation of His Escort ......... 186\u003cbr\u003e The Trial and Imprisonment of Aldo Moro ......... 190\u003cbr\u003e The Execution of Aldo Moro ......... 193\u003cbr\u003e Build the Party and Strengthen and\u003cbr\u003e Extend Revolutionary Political Power ......... 196\u003cbr\u003e The Party and the Revolutionary Mass Organizations ......... 198\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAchtung Banditi! by Saverio Plana, Corrispondenza Internazionale (June 1978) ......... 201\u003c\/strong\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Even In Italy? ......... 203\u003cbr\u003e Armed Struggle Is Enough? ......... 207\u003cbr\u003e Crisis and Revolution ......... 210\u003cbr\u003e Quantity and Quality ......... 214\u003cbr\u003e The Corpse of Moro ......... 217\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e \u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBarbara Balzeranni ......... 219\u003cbr\u003e Appendix: Partial list of actions in Europe following the “death night” in Stammheim ......... 220\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003eBook Details\u003c\/h4\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: Red Brigades\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eEditor: Joshua Depaolis\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eFormat: Paperback\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eISBN: 978-1-894946-99-5\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eSize: 236 pages\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003ePublisher: Kersplebedeb Publishing\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003eYear: 2019\u003c\/div\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40175284224093,"sku":"9781894946995","price":16.76,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/1978cover.jpg?v=1654988238"},{"product_id":"on-imperialism-opportunism","title":"On Imperialism \u0026 Opportunism","description":"\u003cp\u003eThis collection of texts by V.I. Lenin was originally compiled by the Communist Working Circle, a Danish anti-­imperialist group. In the late 1960s, the CWC developed the so-­called “parasite state” theory linking the imperialist exploitation and oppression of the proletariat in the Global “South” with the establishment of states in the Global “North” in which the working class lives in relative prosperity. In connection with studies of this division of the world, CWC published these texts by Lenin with the title “On Imperialism and Opportunism.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eWhat is the relevance of these texts today? Firstly, the connection that Lenin posits between imperialism and opportunism—that is, the sacrifice of long-­term socialist goals for short-­term or sectional gains—is more pronounced than ever. Second, imperialism may, in many respects, have changed its economic mechanisms and its political form, but its content is fundamentally the same, namely, a transfer of value from the Global South to the Global North, with the political outcome being that the working class is divided into a highly-­exploited proletariat in the South and a working class in the North which lives in relative prosperity. Lenin referred to this better-­off section of the working class as a “labor aristocracy.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eWith an introduction by former CWC member \u003ca data-lwsa=\"eyJhdXRvbGluayI6dHJ1ZSwiYXV0b19pZCI6IjM0NTM5In0=\" href=\"https:\/\/leftwingbooks.net\/collections\/all\/torkil-lauesen\" title=\"Torkil Lauesen\"\u003eTorkil Lauesen\u003c\/a\u003e.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003eBook Details\u003c\/h4\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: V.I. Lenin\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eFormat: Paperback\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eISBN: 978-1-894946-94-0\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eSize: 191 pages\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003ePublisher: Kersplebedeb Publishing\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eYear: 2019\u003c\/div\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40175303098461,"sku":"9781894946940","price":10.08,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/lenin_coverjpg.jpg?v=1654988390"},{"product_id":"the-communist-necessity-2nd-ed","title":"The Communist Necessity 2nd Ed.","description":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e“There was a time when we proclaimed that we were part of a beautiful and fragmented chaos of affinity groups, conflicted organizations, disorganized rebels, all of whom were somehow part of the same social movement that was greater than the sum of its parts. We were more accurately a disorganized mob of enraged plebeians shaking our fists at a disciplined imperial army. Years ago we spoke of \u003cstrong\u003esocial movementism \u003c\/strong\u003ebut now it only makes sense to drop the ‘social’ since this phase of confusion was incapable of understanding the social terrain. Disparate, unfocused, and divided movements lack a unified intentionality; they have proved themselves incapable of pursuing the necessity of communism.”\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eFive years ago \u003cem\u003eThe Communist Necessity \u003c\/em\u003ewas written to demarcate a revolutionary politics grounded in necessity from social movementism, and revolutionary science from contemporary intellectual fads. Now J. Moufawad-Paul’s notorious polemic is back, still relevant and prescient.\u003cbr\u003e\n\u003cbr\u003e\nThis second edition of Moufawad-Paul’s first book includes a preface by Dao-yuan Chou and a reflective afterword by the author. New readers can discover why the recognition of communism’s necessity “requires a new return to the revolutionary communist theories and experiences won from history.”\u003cbr\u003e\n \u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eThe Communist Necessity\u003c\/em\u003e is a polemical interrogation of the practice of “social movementism” that has enjoyed a normative status at the centres of capitalism. Despite the fact that the name “communism” has been reclaimed by a variety of important intellectuals, J. Moufawad-Paul argues that, due to a failure to grapple with the concrete questions connected to historical moments of actually making revolution, movementist praxis remains hegemonic. More of a philosophical intervention than a historiography or political economy, \u003cem\u003eThe Communist Necessity\u003c\/em\u003e engages in a quick and pointed manner with a variety of authors and tendencies including Alain Badiou, Jodi Dean, the Invisible Committee, Tiqqun, Théorie Communiste, and others. Moufawad-Paul argues that a refusal to recognize contemporary revolutionary movements from the 1980s to the present results in the reification of a capitalist “end of history” discourse within this movementist conceptualization of theory and practice.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eOriginally written as a small essay on the left-wing blog \u003cem\u003eMLM Mayhem\u003c\/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eThe Communist Necessity\u003c\/em\u003e was expanded into a pocket-sized treatise in 2015, sketching out the boundaries of the movementist terrain, as well as its contemporary ideologues, so as to raise questions that may be uncomfortable for those still devoted to movementist praxis, particularly if they define themselves as marxist. Aware of his past affinity with social movementism, and with some apprehension of the problem of communist orthodoxy, Moufawad-Paul argues that the recognition of communism's necessity “requires a \u003cem\u003enew return\u003c\/em\u003e to the revolutionary communist theories and experiences won from history.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e \u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e \u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eJ. Moufawad-Paul lives in Toronto and works as casualized contract faculty at York University where he received his PhD in philosophy. He is the author of \u003cem\u003eAusterity Apparatus\u003c\/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eContinuity and Rupture\u003c\/em\u003e, and \u003cem\u003eDemarcation and Demystification\u003c\/em\u003e.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eDao-yuan Chou is an organizer and author of \u003cem\u003eSilage Choppers and Snake Spirits\u003c\/em\u003e.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003eBook Details\u003c\/h4\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: J. Moufawad-Paul\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eFormat: Paperback\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eISBN: 978-1-989701-00-3\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eSize: 171 pages\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003ePublisher: Kersplebedeb Publishing\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eYear: 2020\u003c\/div\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40175306506333,"sku":"9781989701003","price":10.08,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/communistnecessitycover.jpg?v=1654988419"},{"product_id":"the-principal-contradiction","title":"The Principal Contradiction","description":"\u003cp\u003eIn \u003cem\u003eThe Principal Contradiction\u003c\/em\u003e, Torkil Lauesen introduces readers to the philosophy of dialectical materialism as a tool for changing the world.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eDialectical materialism allows us to understand the dynamics of world history, the concept of contradiction building a bridge between theory and practice, with the principal contradiction telling us where to start. \u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eLauesen explores the historical origins of dialectical materialism, focusing at first on the European context in which Hegel was famously turned on his head, then introducing the subsequent contributions made by Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Mao. Drawing on his own decades of experience as an anti-imperialist, Lauesen shows how dialectical materialism can be employed as a method to understand the past five hundred years of capitalist history, how contradictions internal to European capitalism led to colonialism and genocide in Asia, Africa, and the Americas, as all humanity was brought into a single exploitative world system. The globalized capitalist system has developed through successive and changing principal contradictions, decisively impacting regional, national, and local contradictions. This has in turn given rise to new reactions, interacting with and modifying the principal contradiction.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eIdentifying the principal contradiction is indispensable for developing a global perspective on capitalism. This methodology is not just a valuable tool with which to analyze complex relationships: it also tells us how to intervene.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e \u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003ch5\u003eAbout the Author\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\u003ca data-lwsa=\"eyJhdXRvbGluayI6dHJ1ZSwiYXV0b19pZCI6IjM0NTM5In0=\" href=\"https:\/\/leftwingbooks.net\/collections\/all\/torkil-lauesen\" title=\"Torkil Lauesen\"\u003eTorkil Lauesen\u003c\/a\u003e is a longtime anti-imperialist activist and writer living in Denmark. From 1970 to 1989, he was a full-time member of a communist anti-imperialist group, supporting Third World liberation movements by both legal and illegal means. He worked occasionally as a glass factory worker, mail carrier, and laboratory worker, in order to be able to stay on the dole. In connection with support work, he has traveled in Lebanon, Syria, Zimbabwe, South Africa, the Philippines, and Mexico. In the 1990s, while incarcerated, he was involved in prison activism and received a Masters degree in political science. He is currently a member of International Forum, an anti-imperialist organization based in Denmark.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003eBook Details\u003c\/h4\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: Torkil Lauesen\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: Translated by \u003ca data-lwsa=\"eyJhdXRvbGluayI6dHJ1ZSwiYXV0b19pZCI6IjkwMDQifQ==\" href=\"https:\/\/leftwingbooks.net\/collections\/all\/gabriel-kuhn\" title=\"Gabriel Kuhn\"\u003eGabriel Kuhn\u003c\/a\u003e\n\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eFormat: Paperback\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eISBN: 978-1-989701-03-4\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eSize: 157 pages\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003ePublisher: Kersplebedeb Publishing\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eYear: 2020\u003c\/div\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40175312076893,"sku":"9781989701034","price":14.28,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/theprincipalcontradiction_cover3.jpg?v=1654988475"},{"product_id":"riding-the-wave-sweden-s-integration-into-the-imperialist-world-system","title":"Riding the Wave: Sweden’s Integration into the Imperialist World System","description":"\u003cp\u003e\"In general, the Scandinavian countries did not have the necessary military power and administrative capacity to establish and operate their own colonies. They had to ride the wave of the great colonial powers in order to enjoy the benefits offered by imperialism. There was no difference, however, between the Scandinavian countries and the great colonial powers regarding their attitude towards colonialism. European colonialism can be seen as a unified whole in which large and small countries played different roles. Some managed territories and opened up markets, others provided capital, built infrastructure, or transported goods to and from the colonies. The Scandinavian countries earned large sums by navigating in the wake of the major colonial powers.\" -- from \u003cem\u003eRiding the Wave\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eThe Scandinavian countries, particularly Sweden, are capitalist welfare states which provide high standards of living and social security for their nation's citizens. Sweden is regarded as progressive; some even consider it to be half way on the road towards socialism. It is often evoked as a showcase of \"capitalism with a human face,\" when it is not being described as outright \"socialist.\" These are the accomplishments of the Social Democratic Party, supported by the strong trade union movement. However, such claims only make sense if one takes imperialism out of the equation.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e\u003ca data-lwsa=\"eyJhdXRvbGluayI6dHJ1ZSwiYXV0b19pZCI6IjM0NTM5In0=\" href=\"https:\/\/leftwingbooks.net\/collections\/all\/torkil-lauesen\" title=\"Torkil Lauesen\"\u003eTorkil Lauesen\u003c\/a\u003e's \u003cem\u003eRiding the Wave \u003c\/em\u003etells another story, about how Sweden rides on the wave of colonialism and imperialism, how it was integrated as a core-state in global capitalism, and how the Swedish “people's home” has been paid for by value transfer from global production chains stretching throughout the Global South. This is also the story of Social Democracy and how the struggle in the Second International between two lines -- one reformist, nationalist, and pro-imperialist, the other  internationalist and anti-imperialist -- remains relevant to this day.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eLauesen recounts Sweden's failure to establish colonial territories of its own, leading it to find its place as a junior partner first to Germany and then to the United States. Sweden's complicity in settler colonialism and the slave trade is examined, as is its intervention in Finland's Civil War, its profitable trade relations with the Third Reich, support for Belgian colonialism and genocide in the Congo, involvement in exploitative mining operations in Liberia, the rise and decline of the Social Democrats, and much more. An overview is also provided of specific Swedish corporations, from the Kreuger Group to IKEA and H\u0026amp;M, as well as the historically important Swedish arms industry and Swedish imperialism in the Baltic region. All of these are examined within the context of capitalism, colonialism, and imperialism, with particular attention paid to the crisis of neoliberalism and the rise of China. Lauesen insists that in order to understand the history, nature, and prospects of Sweden we must adopt a global perspective.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e \u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003ch5\u003eAbout the Author\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eTorkil Lauesen is a long-time anti-­imperialist activist and writer living in Denmark. From 1970 to 1989, he was a full-­time member of a communist anti-­imperialist group, supporting Third World liberation movements by both legal and illegal means. He worked occasionally as a glass factory worker, mail carrier, and laboratory worker, in order to be able to stay on the dole. In connection with support work, he has traveled in Lebanon, Syria, Zimbabwe, South Africa, the Philippines, and Mexico. In the 1990s, while incarcerated, he was involved in prison activism and received a Masters degree in political science.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003eTorkil Lauesen is also the author of \u003cem\u003e\u003ca href=\"https:\/\/www.leftwingbooks.net\/book\/content\/global-perspective\"\u003eThe Global Perspective: Reflections on Imperialism and Resistance\u003c\/a\u003e \u003c\/em\u003e(2018) and \u003cem\u003e\u003ca href=\"https:\/\/www.leftwingbooks.net\/book\/content\/principal-contradiction\"\u003eThe Principal Contradiction\u003c\/a\u003e \u003c\/em\u003e(2020), both published by Kersplebedeb, and is currently a member of International Forum, an anti-­imperialist organization based in Denmark.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\n\u003cp\u003e \u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003eBook Details\u003c\/h4\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eAuthor: Torkil Lauesen\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eFormat: Paperback\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eISBN: 978-­1-­989701-­12-­6\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eSize: 249 pages\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003ePublisher: Kersplebedeb Publishing\u003c\/div\u003e\u003cdiv\u003eYear: 2021\u003c\/div\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40175364964445,"sku":"9781989701126","price":16.8,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/ridingwave.jpg?v=1654988901"},{"product_id":"on-necrocapitalism-a-plague-journal","title":"On Necrocapitalism: A Plague Journal","description":"\u003cblockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“A virus is haunting the globe, one of pandemic proportions, whose threat has necessitated unprecedented measures to forestall death and violence worse than the present crisis. But the cruelty, violence, and depredations that have accompanied the COVID-19 pandemic aren’t merely detritus in the wake of its spread; they characterize the necrocapitalism of this conjuncture.” – from the Prologue\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003c\/blockquote\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAs the pandemic transitioned from science fiction to reality in early 2020, a number of writers and thinkers in the imperialist metropoles declared the impossibility of writing in the face of a future that is foreclosed. And yet, due to the nightmare that capitalism has been since its beginning, numerous writers and thinkers from the margins have always written in the face of such foreclosure. Meanwhile, other contemporary thinkers sought to conceptualize the unfolding pandemic according to conceptions of bio\/necropolitics, forgetting the foundation upon which these conceptions have always existed.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe M.I. Asma writing group came together to stake out a different terrain, thinking through the pandemic as events unfolded while also always working to think beyond the capitalist imaginary. Writing between April 2020 and May 2021, the authors set out to produce a serial theoretical­philosophical project focused on class struggle in the midst of the COVID­-19 pandemic. The authors approached the pandemic as an occasion to think capitalism according to what it always has been, what the pandemic reveals about its current ideological deployment, and how we can think about a communist alternative in the face of exterminism.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis book collects, with some revisions and with a new epilogue, the entries from the \u003cem\u003eOn Necrocapitalism\u003c\/em\u003e blog, where M.I. Asma’s interventions first appeared.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eM.I. Asma is the collective designation for six authors from Canada and the United States, representing a variety of revolutionary anticapitalist theoretical persuasions: J. Moufawad-Paul, Devin Zane Shaw, Mateo Andante, Johannah May Black, Alyson Escalante, and D. W. Fairlane.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch5\u003e\n\u003cbr\u003e What People Are Saying\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“Framing the ongoing present––and deadly non-futurity(ies)––of the COVID-19 pandemic within the historical framework of ‘necrocapitalism,’ this dynamic, multivocal project is a radical testimonial against the thick normality of targeted peoples’ casualties, suffering, and immiseration. Unapologetically, joyfully, and simultaneously theoretical, narrative, and polemical in presentation, the authors defend as they illuminate the possibilities of a communism for the present as well as the endangered future. What might it mean to apprehend the outpouring of humanist concern, charity and philanthropy, emergency funding, and outraged demands for care under the terms of pandemic as evidence of necrocapitalism’s advancement, rather than signs of its collapse or momentary dysfunction? I urge readers to bask in the writers’ incisive, explosive, and utterly necessary dismantling of liberal ideology as an extension of racial capitalist, white nationalist domestic and global warfare––that is, of liberal discourse as fundamentally complementary to the spectrum of contemporary right-wing reaction, not antagonistic to it.”\u003cbr\u003e Dylan Rodríguez, Professor of Media and Cultural Studies at the University of California Riverside, former President of the American Studies Association, and author of \u003cem\u003eWhite Reconstruction\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“A live and immediate snapshot of thinking in and through the COVID-19 pandemic, \u003cem\u003eOn Necrocapitalism\u003c\/em\u003e stands as an important document of an indelible year. ‘M.I. Asma’ insists on the rigor and energy of a non-universalist ‘we’ that refuses to return to business—literally—as usual.”\u003cbr\u003e Anjuli Fatima Raza Kolb, Associate Professor of English at the University of Toronto, and author of \u003cem\u003eEpidemic Empire\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“Is the pandemic really unprecedented? Not according to these authors, who demonstrate that the events of the last two years are wholly predictable within the logic and imprisoned imaginary of capitalism itself. Part manifesto, part chronicle, part theoretical rumination, \u003cem\u003eOn Necrocapitalism\u003c\/em\u003e recasts debates about defunding police, essential workers, dystopian codification, and reformist temptations, providing necessary revivification of communist horizons that de-exceptionalize crisis and dispense with pragmatism. An inspiring read.”\u003cbr\u003e Jasbir K. Puar, Professor and Graduate Director of Women’s and Gender Studies at Rutgers University, and author of \u003cem\u003eThe Right to Maim \u003c\/em\u003eand\u003cem\u003e Terrorist Assemblages\u003c\/em\u003e\u003cbr\u003e  \u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch5\u003e\n\u003cbr\u003e Table of Contents\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePreface 4\u003cbr\u003e Prologue 9\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA: Necrosis (April 23 2020–May 29 2020) 17\u003cbr\u003e Diagnosis and Departure 19\u003cbr\u003e From Žižek to Communist Possibility 28\u003cbr\u003e Below the Surface Froth 37\u003cbr\u003e Bourgeois Philosophy in the Time of Pandemic 42\u003cbr\u003e Unequally Distributed Vulnerability 49\u003cbr\u003e Pandemic Femicide 60\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eB: Dystopia (June 3 2020) 79\u003cbr\u003e Dystopia of the Real 81\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eC: Uprising (June 11 2020–July 10 2020) 107\u003cbr\u003e Protesters, “Good” and “Bad” 109\u003cbr\u003e On Slogans 118\u003cbr\u003e On Liberal Academic Policy 123\u003cbr\u003e Mass Rage and Risk 131\u003cbr\u003e “Cancel Culture,” “Open Debate,” and More Liberal Discipline 138\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eD: Pacification (July 16 2020–August 27 2020) 149\u003cbr\u003e Policy and Permanent Civil War 151\u003cbr\u003e Policy and Pacification 166\u003cbr\u003e “Think of the Children” 174\u003cbr\u003e Children in Schools, Children in Cages 180\u003cbr\u003e Viral Atomization and the Family 189\u003cbr\u003e Migrant Labor in the Pandemic 197\u003cbr\u003e The Irreconcilable 214\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eE: Capture (September 4 2020–January 15 2021) 227\u003cbr\u003e On the So­-Called “Antifascist Vote” 229\u003cbr\u003e On Abstention, Infantilism, And Organizing 234\u003cbr\u003e \u003cem\u003eDown Girl\u003c\/em\u003e Imperialism 238\u003cbr\u003e On Long Crises and Speedy Recoveries 252\u003cbr\u003e Nihilist Reconciliation 260\u003cbr\u003e The Misleading Nature of “Trumpism” 273\u003cbr\u003e Slavering in the Outer Dark 280\u003cbr\u003e Science and Social Welfare Opportunism 284\u003cbr\u003e The Content of Insurgency 291\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eF: Normalization (February 12 2021—May 8 2021) 299\u003cbr\u003e Two Errors of Normalization 301\u003cbr\u003e Time Theft in the New Normal 307\u003cbr\u003e Rampage and Rollout 312\u003cbr\u003e “Disease Poetics” 318\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEpilogue 335\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWorks Cited 351\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003e\u003c\/h4\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40175373287517,"sku":"9781989701140","price":19.28,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/necrocapitalism-frontcover_0.jpg?v=1654988953"},{"product_id":"the-shape-of-things-to-come-selected-writings-interviews","title":"The Shape of Things to Come: Selected Writings \u0026 Interviews","description":"\u003cp\u003eJ. Sakai is one of North America’s most insightful and challenging radical intellectuals, best-known for his work \u003cem\u003e\u003ci\u003eSettlers: Mythology of the White Proletariat\u003c\/i\u003e\u003c\/em\u003e, which remains the essential anti-racist labor history of the united states. Sakai work is grounded in Mao’s politics, anti-imperialism, and in a lifetime of hands-on activism; he has consistently focused on the relationship between “race” and “class” in the american context, from a perspective dedicated to abolishing the united states, capitalism, and white supremacy.\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBeyond \u003cem\u003e\u003ci\u003eSettlers\u003c\/i\u003e\u003c\/em\u003e, however, Sakai has authored a number of other works, on subjects ranging from movement security, to the nature of the lumpen\/proletariat, to the rise of the far right, and much more. Several of these have been published in book-form by Kersplebedeb, others as zines, while others have only ever appeared on the Internet.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHere in this book, for the first time, is presented a selection of writings by Sakai spanning a 40 year period, from 1983 to 2022. This includes three articles initially written anonymously for the anti-imperialist journal \u003cem\u003e\u003ci\u003eS1\u003c\/i\u003e\u003c\/em\u003e, and an extensive interview that took place between 2020 and 2022, appearing here for the first time.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u003ci\u003eThe Shape of Things to Come: Selected Writings \u0026amp; Interviews\u003c\/i\u003e\u003c\/em\u003e\u003cspan\u003e is a weapons cache planted for people fighting for liberation in a world that is constantly becoming more dangerous. It provides tools and methodologies, examples both positive and negative, histories and insights, to help us to collectively struggle against a system that “as its most bottom­line autonomic reflex will rather arrange to kill us all than let us remake our lives communally\u003c\/span\u003e.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e \u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch5\u003eGuide to Contents\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e“Beginner’s Kata: Uncensored Stray Thoughts on Revolutionary Organization” (2018)\u003c\/strong\u003e, previously published as a zine, explores what revolutionaries think about organization and what the actual experience of revolutionary organization has been, and the chasm between the two. “When we first took this path, when we joined our lives with the struggle, we were conscious of knowing so very little. One good reason we were so attracted to this revolutionary organization or that one. Not only to find rads we could run with, but to find mentors and a busy hive of experience we hoped to take cues from. \u003cem\u003e\u003ci\u003eWhat never occurred to us is that those organizations might know next to nothing, too\u003c\/i\u003e\u003c\/em\u003e.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e“Notes Toward an Understanding of Capitalist Crisis \u0026amp; Theory” (2009)\u003c\/strong\u003e, previously published as a zine shortly following the 2008 financial meltdown, provides a brief overview of Marx’s views on capitalism’s crisis-prone nature and an exploration of whether these ideas are still useful to revolutionaries today. “It is reasonable to think that this general crisis is a turning point, an important stage in the protracted decline and fall of capitalism as a world system,” Sakai explains, reminding us that “What is an ‘emergency” is our need to orient ourselves in the crisis first of all. To seriously step up our political understanding, and thus our ability in the real world to help others make sense for themselves of a dramatically changing situation. A crisis for the capitalists is only great weather for us, because revolutionaries were made for crisis.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e“Aryan Politics \u0026amp; Fighting the W.T.O.” (2001)\u003c\/strong\u003e, previously included in the book \u003cem\u003e\u003cu\u003e\u003ci\u003eMy Enemy’s Enemy\u003c\/i\u003e\u003c\/u\u003e\u003c\/em\u003e, was written during the heyday of the “anti-globalization” movement. This text presciently identifies conservative and far-right tendencies amongst critics of global capitalism and shows how these were connected to the class complexion of the movement as a whole. This was the first in a series of texts Sakai authored calling attention to the rise of the far right both within the united states and internationally. It identified trends that were dismissed by most “progressives” at the time, but that would eventually help form the basis for the dramatic rise of the far right we have experienced over the past decade. “The anti­-WTO protests in Seattle were a radicalizing experience for many, on a tactical level. But on a larger scale, the Left has unacknowledged strategic problems with this issue. To sum it up simply, we have the problem that we may be helping to fuel the explosive growth of the Right and neo-fascism. And we have to think of refocusing to fight the Far Right in the anti-WTO struggle—just as we need to on every other contested terrain.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e“The Green Nazi: An Investigation into Fascist Ecology” (2007)\u003c\/strong\u003e, previously published as a zine, uses the fawning biography of leading Nazi Walther Darré by Dr Anna Bramwell as a window into the ways in which fascism employs concepts like “nature” to package what are in fact a racist class agenda. “R. Walther Darré and other Rightist Green politicians could be significant to new generations of neo-fascists, and not only because they give fascism a plausible claim to being the forefather of today’s ecology movement. Far from being a political innocent, Darré was if anything even more developed about his racial supremacy than Hitler, and was certainly more practical and strategic. ... His rural settler strategy is in tune with much of the white racist Far Right in the u.s. (no small coincidence, since like Adolf Hitler himself Darré used the u.s. white settler Western frontier as his genocidal model). It all pushes us to check out what words like ‘Green,’ ‘Nature,’ ‘ecology,’ and ‘peasant’ mean in our politics.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e“When Race Burns Class: Settlers Revisited” (2000)\u003c\/strong\u003e, previously published as a zine, is an interview Sakai did with the Montreal-based group Solidarity. Answering basic questions about the book \u003cem\u003e\u003ci\u003eSettlers\u003c\/i\u003e\u003c\/em\u003e, and drawing on experiences from his own life as an organizer, Sakai lays out some of the basic aspects of the relationship between “race” and “class” and the nature of the white working class in america. “Some people think that ‘settler’ is just a fancy way of saying ‘white people,’ and that it’s all just about racism anyway. Racism as we know it and settlerism both had their origins in capitalist colonialism, and are related but quite distinct. Settler-colonial societies started as invasion and occupation forces for Western capitalism, social garrisons usually in the Third World, as Western capitalism expanded out of Europe into the Americas, Afrika, and Asia.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e“Stolen at Gunpoint” (2003)\u003c\/strong\u003e is an interview conducted by Ernesto Aguilar on June 17, 2003; it originally aired on the Latino-culture program Sexto Sol on KPFT radio in Houston, Texas, and was subsequently published as an appendix to the 2014 PM Press\/Kersplebedeb edition of \u003cem\u003e\u003ci\u003eSettlers\u003c\/i\u003e\u003c\/em\u003e. Aguilar and Sakai discuss the Chicano movement in the 1960s, the 1968 Poor People’s Convention in Washington DC, and more broadly what desettlerization means in the united states today. “People think I’m talking about race alone, that everything in Amerika is determined by race, and that’s not really what I’m saying. What I’m saying is that race in Amerika has been used as an identifier for capitalism to form and control classes, that race is not just a metaphor for class, but an identifier of class in real terms.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e“Beyond McAntiwar: Notes on Finding Our Footing in the Collapsing Stage Set of the u.s. Empire” (2005)\u003c\/strong\u003e, previously unpublished, is an examination of developments in the capitalist world-system and the crisis of imperialism, in the context of the Bush presidency (2001-2009) and its wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. “The Iraq wars don’t begin with oil, they begin in neo-colonial ‘Globalization.’ Iraq was invaded and Saddam’s local franchise was overthrown not for oil (and certainly not because of any threat that they posed to Saks Fifth Avenue). It was conquered just so that the Bush regime could do it. Not p.r. campaigns to justify a war—as radicals unthinkingly echo liberals in saying—but a war that is the p.r. campaign. As an advertisement to the Third World that the u.s. empire was still able to destroy any nation-state that opposed it...”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e“Theory Mao Tossed to Us” (2017)\u003c\/strong\u003e, previously published in the book \u003cem\u003e\u003ci\u003eThe “Dangerous Class” and Revolutionary Theory: Thoughts On the Making pf the Lumpen\/Proletariat\u003c\/i\u003e\u003c\/em\u003e, providing a quick overview of Mao’s approach to the lumpen\/proletariat in the context of the Chinese Revolution. “Like a hand grenade of ideas thrown from the distance into our skirmishes, when Mao’s iconic writings from the 1920s–30s were finally translated and widely disseminated here in the 1950s–60s, revolutionary theory on the lumpen\/proletariat underwent a major shift ... While appearing to follow the form of the Marx \u0026amp; Engels class analysis of the stormy petrel of the lumpen\/proletariat, Mao’s theoretical take represented a big remodeling job. A sharper turn, in fact, than i personally could hold onto or understand back then.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e“Pseudo­-Gangs” (1983)\u003c\/strong\u003e, previously published in \u003cem\u003e\u003ci\u003eS1\u003c\/i\u003e\u003c\/em\u003e, provides an overview of repressive measures carried out by the British against the Land and Freedom Armies in Kenya. While specifically examining the work of Brigadier General Frank Kitson and his “pseudo-gangs,” Sakai calls attention to the broader range of methods employed by the imperialist powers to keep Kenya trapped within neocolonialism. “Imperialism’s advantage in the war was a matter of professional strategy and modern organization; with these imperialism regained the strategic initiative. While there have been several books written by British officers implying that ‘pseudo­-gangs’ and Afrikan guerrillas ‘turning’ defeated the uprising, this is not true. ‘Pseudo-gangs’ were not primary in counter­insurgency, but only secondary. Their tactical importance in some situations can only be evaluated by first understanding the overall situation of counter-insurgency.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e“From South Afrika to Puerto Rico to Mississippi“ (1983)\u003c\/strong\u003e, previously published in \u003cem\u003e\u003ci\u003eS1\u003c\/i\u003e\u003c\/em\u003e, is a quick snapshot exposing the work of one imperialist agent, Jay Mallin, the “Latin America\/Terrorism Editor” of \u003cem\u003e\u003ci\u003eSoldier of Fortune\u003c\/i\u003e\u003c\/em\u003e magazine. “While Washington denies any relationship to the armed white right, to ‘extremist’ groups such as the Minutemen, to mercenaries and \u003cem\u003e\u003ci\u003eSoldier of Fortune\u003c\/i\u003e\u003c\/em\u003e magazine, S.O.F. editor Jay Mallin has been welcome everywhere within the U.S. military. And welcome on an official basis. He has written on terrorism for the Marine Corps. At Fort Bragg’s U.S. Army Institute for Military Assistance (where the CIA and U.S. Special Forces give Latin Amerikan puppet soldiers counter-insurgency training), Mallin has been an invited lecturer. He has even taken part in seminars at the Pentagon.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e“What Happened to the Zimbabwe Revolution” (1984)\u003c\/strong\u003e, previously published in \u003cem\u003e\u003ci\u003eS1\u003c\/i\u003e\u003c\/em\u003e, is a detailed examination of how the anticolonial revolution was neutralized in Zimbabwe by the CIA-backed promotion of a neocolonial clique around Robert Mugabe, and the important part played in this process by liberal u.s. figures like Andy Young, W. Anthony Lake, and the Carter Administration. This study exposes neocolonialism’s range of repressive tools and its multifaceted approach to keeping peoples exploited and oppressed within the capitalist world-system. “It was symbolic when the Mugabe regime made the guerrillas turn in their AK-47s and Kalashnikov rifles. The fighters were retrained by British imperialist instructors as regular army units, and rearmed with the NATO rifles used by the former settler army. People’s Courts and other ties with the masses were ended; the fighters regrouped in new bases. They now are a standard capitalist army, living as parasites (soldiers earn three or four times what plantation laborers earn) whether they like it or not. Their role now is to police their own people. Again, we recall that in 1977 Andy Young said that the task in Zimbabwe was ‘dismantling the guerrilla army and retraining it to be a police force.’ For imperialism. This is the final success of neo-colonial subversion of the armed struggle.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e“The Shape of Things to Come”\u003c\/strong\u003e is an extensive (over 100 pages!) new interview with Sakai, conducted between 2020 and 2022, and presented here in two parts. A wide range of topics are addressed, including but not limited to the Trump presidency and the rise of the white far right; the class and national composition of the George Floyd Uprising and Black Lives Matter; the gender politics of both the CPUSA-era Old Left and the 60s New Left; the role of national, class, and gender contradictions in the movement against the Vietnam War; the legacy of anti-war organizing within the u.s. military; the left’s historical confusion regarding the white working class; warlordism in Mexico; why “globalization vs nationalism” is an inadequate way to think about our current situation; the breakdown of nations and capitalism’s “creative destruction”; the work of Immanuel Wallerstein, specifically in terms of the end of capitalism; the nature of the interregnum, and considerably much more...\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40889046171741,"sku":"9781989701218","price":20.54,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/selected-writings-cover.jpg?v=1675182864"},{"product_id":"a-brilliant-red-thread-revolutionary-writings-from-don-hamerquist","title":"A Brilliant Red Thread: Revolutionary Writings from Don Hamerquist","description":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cem data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e[C]apitalism will not topple “through \u003c\/em\u003e\u003cspan data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e… \u003c\/span\u003e\u003cem data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eexhaustion.” It will not “stop running on its own.” It must be overthrown by a politically conscious, mass counter-force, and the primary issue for us concerns how such a force might develop...\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/em\u003e\u003cem data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e —from “Financialization and Hegemony”\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cem data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003c\/em\u003eFrom the Communist Party of the 1950s, to autonomous European movements in 68 and the revolutionary armed liberation movements of the ’70s and ’80s, to the antifascist organizing of ARA in the ’90s, to cutting-edge analysis of the fallout of on-going capitalist crisis, right up to today, Don Hamerquist’s biography reads like a history of the post-war US radical left. But Hamerquist is not some political scenester, being blown by the winds of whatever latest fashion. Instead, he uses his decades of experience in collective struggle to analyze a world constantly in motion, always living his own advice to “look at what is new” – not a simple quest for novelty, but a prophylactic against getting mired in old left debates which are grounded in a world that no longer exists. Bridging gaps, sorting wheat from chaff, Hamerquist calls on those who (like him) still identify as Leninists to recognize the failures of the vanguard party and “actually existing socialism,” while also calling on anarchists, who share his commitment to a struggle outside of and against the state, to recognize the necessity of disciplined organization and a rejection of purity politics.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eI think that it is a fundamental problem to look for a viable perspective for today in some segment of this tradition or in the positions taken by some set of historical figures as if it is something to discover. Instead, we have to realize that this perspective is not there to discover, it must be created out of the ingredients that exist—one of which is our collective history—through an effort of will and analysis.\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/em\u003e—from “Thoughts About Organization”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eIn this book, a selection of Hamerquist’s writings from 2000 to 2022 – some of his contribution to this creative “effort of will and analysis” – have been collected together for the first time. Written as emails to comrades or for the websites of various collective, radical left projects, these essays touch on the anti-globalization movement, anti-fascism, revolutionary organization, Occupy, the 2008 financial crisis, changes in global capitalism, Ferguson, state repression, and more. Along with their specific content, Hamerquist’s work offers a model for conducting revolutionary analysis: always in conversation, humble without retreating disagreement, historically-informed without being stuck in the past, moving fluidly between the specific and the general, the global and the local, the theory and the practice.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eWith Introductions from both Hamerquist and Dave Ranney (with whom he has been in conversation since their days in the Sojourner Truth Organization together in the ’70s and ’80s) and editorial material designed to make Hamerquist’s wide-ranging references accessible to any reader, this book is an invaluable tool for anyone who want to make a contribution to the development of a left capable of committed and unrelenting struggle against the logic of capital, while also being “accessible to regular-assed people.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eWe are living in the aftermath of an extended revolutionary process that had its debatable successes. But these were rapidly transformed into limits that are now obstacles to a more basic struggle against capital. To think seriously about revolutionary politics we must challenge some left presuppositions and develop new categories of strategic analysis that fit the qualitatively changed circumstances of the present period. However, while we cannot adequately deal with new political questions without a clearer understanding of the struggles of the past century, an understanding that avoids both nostalgia and meaningless recriminations, we are going to have to act, moving ahead with whatever intellectual, moral, and material resources are available to us, well before we have this adequately grounded understanding of our collective past.\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/em\u003e\u003cem data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e—from “Barack, Badiou, and Bilal bin Hasan”\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch5 data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eWhat People Are Saying\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cem data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eThe foundations of our society are crumbling. In such times of great instability our actions may fundamentally affect history's trajectory -- toward the more beautiful or the more brutal. For those committed to the former, this book's arrival should be recognized as a significant event. This is not an academic, scholarly, or historical collection. This book is a weapon to be turned on the powerful for maximum impact. —from the Preface by Luis Brennan\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cem data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003c\/em\u003e\u003cem data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eThis book will be valuable for today’s radical activists as well as for historians. The essays contained within demonstrate how the author has translated the current trajectory of capitalism and responses to it into timely adaptations and sometimes changes in his ideas on a whole range of topics, including: revolutionary organization, the nature of the capitalist state, capitalist institutions including government and trade unions, state repression and how to combat it, and the nature of fascism and prospects for organizing against it. —from the Introduction by Dave Ranney\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch5 data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\n\u003cstrong data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003c\/strong\u003eTable of Contents\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eEditor’s Preface, by Luis Brennan\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eAn Introduction to Hamerquist’s \u003cem data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eA Brilliant Red Thread\u003c\/em\u003e, by Dave Ranney\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eAuthor’s Preface\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eThe CP and Me\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eSTO and After\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cstrong data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eSection I: Action\u003c\/strong\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cstrong data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eSubsection: Organization\u003c\/strong\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eThoughts about Organization (2000)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eRevolutionary Organization: A Contribution to the Discussion (2007)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eAm I for \"Seizing\" the State? (2009)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eThoughts on \u003ca title=\"Naomi Klein\" href=\"https:\/\/leftwingbooks.net\/collections\/all\/naomi-klein\" data-lwsa=\"eyJhdXRvbGluayI6dHJ1ZSwiYXV0b19pZCI6IjkzNTEifQ==\"\u003eNaomi Klein\u003c\/a\u003e (2010)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eOn the Relevance of Old Debates (2011)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eMarx and Revolutionary Politics (2011)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eIWW Base Building and Reformism (2009)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eEmail on Shop Floor Organizing (2010)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eComment on Strategy (2010)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eDiscussion with Comrade on Strategy and Struggle (2010)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eAngst (2018)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eRecent thoughts on Insurrectionism (2021)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cstrong data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eSubsection: Events\u003c\/strong\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eThree Points on Anti-Globalization Protests (2000)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eMadison \u0026amp; More (2011)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eEmail on the Historical Situation (2012)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eInitial Thoughts on Longview (2012)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eEmail on Longview (2012)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eMilitancy After Occupy (2012)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cstrong data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eSection II: Anti-Fascism\u003c\/strong\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eThird Position (2001)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eResponse to Bring the Ruckus on Fascism (2008)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eEmail to K on Fascism (2009)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eMistakes in Our Previous Approaches to Fascism (2015)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cstrong data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eSection III: Lenin, Leninism, and Some Leftovers (2009)\u003c\/strong\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cstrong data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eSection IV: Anti-Repression\u003c\/strong\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eThree Tendencies on Repression (n.d.)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eEditorial on Repression (2001)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eOn Some Historical Examples of Repression (2011)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cstrong data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eSection V: Analysis\u003c\/strong\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eWhence Transnational (2022)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eEmail to K on the Iraq War (ca. 2005)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eBarack, Badiou, and Bilal bin Hasan (2010)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eFinancialization and Hegemony (2012)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eFerguson (2015)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eWithering (2017)\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eGlossary\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cbr data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch5 data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eQuotations\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e[C]apitalism will not topple “through ... exhaustion” It will not “stop running on its own.” It must be overthrown by a politically conscious mass counter force, and the primary issues for us concerns how such a force might develop ...\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center;\" data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e* * *\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eIt will be necessary to take some risks and incur some losses in order to maintain a consistent anti-state posture. Frequently our position will only be a minority, perhaps at times a small and besieged one, but it is only from such refusing and rejecting minorities that an organized radical counter-power with social substance “outside” the state apparatus will be developed.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center;\" data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cspan\u003e* * *\u003c\/span\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eWhat are we when we aim to be “outside the state”? In the first place, we must be an organized force. There is no substantial and enduring political significance to being individual irreconcilables outside the state. The situation is not improved with those “revolutionary organizations” that are really accidental and temporary aggregates of such individuals. We need something different and more substantive than that. To take strategic advantage of the emergent weaknesses of capital we need an organized minority of irreconcilables with a common subversive project against class power – an “outside the state” resistance that can both organize itself and provide a pole of attraction for a range of political and social rebelliousness that is not yet developed, and which, as it develops, will manifest wide variations in self-organization, self-consciousness, and radicalization.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center;\" data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e* * *\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eRather than either flawed “vanguards” or “autonomous” radicals, we need solid and defined organization where critical participation in the development and implementation of political work and political discussion is expected and facilitated as the norm. We need an organized cadre – linked by political accountability and a discipline that is essentially self-discipline – that is organized to prioritize participatory equality over tactical efficiency.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center;\" data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e* * *\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eIf we are looking to create a revolutionary perspective, the problems and the possibilities must be found in the entirety of the tradition of which we are a part, however reluctantly.I think that it is a fundamental problem to look for a viable perspective for today in some segment of this tradition or in the positions taken by some set of historical figures as if it is something to discover.Instead, we have to realize that this perspective is not there to discover, it must be created out of the ingredients that exist—one of which is our collective history—through an effort of will and analysis.I place great stock in the conception of radical self-sufficiency, but we have a complicated set of tasks and it is certainly prudent to avoid wasting or discarding some important resources. I’m hopeful you can figure out what this means.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center;\" data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e* * *\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eWhen this break happens, ideas and relationships which were previously impossible begin to be reasonable and practical and begin to provide a basis for live action. But this doesn’t happen in comfortable, incremental, irreversible steps forward, and it is seldom articulated clearly by those most deeply involved. The process can be clothed in objectless militance, and\/or reflexively assume the form of demands for sectoral advantage or maintenance of privileges. But at the same time, it can also manifest new understandings of equality, of justice, of social cooperation, and of the universal legitimacy of resistance to oppression, the axiomatic elements of the idea of communism. The contradictions can be evident at any level, including within the same individual.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center;\" data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e* * *\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eAt some point, hopefully sooner rather than later, serious radical movements must deal with the dilemmas of daily working-class life in a manner that begins to materialize actual alternatives to capitalism. In our corner of the left, this entails breaking down the various social barriers between radicals and the working class without adopting any condescending savior approach or any other variation of substitutionism—and while also avoiding classic reformism or a “serve the people” populism.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center;\" data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e* * *\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003eIt is common on the left to envision a revolutionary, working-class movement being formed from a process of incremental changes. In a typical version, these changes consist of those forced improvements in sectoral material conditions that are commonly termed “victories,” although more sophisticated perspectives might use an alternative calculus based on incremental advances in popular consciousness that in turn are based on “lessons” that might conceivably be generalized from setbacks as well as “victories.” But whatever the degree of sophistication, in my opinion, all attempts to premise a revolutionary strategy on such approaches are hamstrung by the essential ambiguity of conceptions of victories and defeats, gains and losses, often defined within the framework of capitalist hegemony.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp data-mce-fragment=\"1\"\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40907695554653,"sku":"9781989701225","price":21.55,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/brilliant-red-thread-cover.jpg?v=1676289361"},{"product_id":"antifascism-against-machismo","title":"Antifascism Against Machismo","description":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eAn intergenerational dialogue on the meaning of feminist antifascism.\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eAnti-Fascism Against Machismo \u003c\/em\u003ecollects and continues a conversation begun by Tammy Kovich (as “Petronella Lee”) in 2019. Four feminist, antifascist revolutionaries jump off from each other’s reflections and bring the particularities of their varied contexts to bear on one central problem:\u003cem\u003e What has and will a women’s war against fascism look like?\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e \u003c\/em\u003eKovich kicks things off with a probing look at the central importance of gender to fascism, and its particular formulations in today’s far right. She continues by examining the historic role of women as partisans in three antifascist wars of the 1930s and 40s—Ethiopia, Spain, and Yugoslavia—contrasting this with the restrictive image of “antifa” as a young, Euro man of a particular subcultural aesthetic and antifascist activity as not much broader than street fights. Finally, she builds on this to propose what an antifascism that takes a fight against patriarchal domination—on the right and the left—seriously.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e“We have to interrupt the antifa narrative we have always been given. That’s the heroic men’s tale that is always just assumed to be true. That while romanticizing a few women, is always shrinking, domesticizing, marginalizing the whole of women’s own rising against fascism. For there has never been antifascism ever without the militant participation of women. But women have been scrubbed from his-story, so that new women always have to try and reinvent our wheel all over again.” -Butch Lee\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eButch Lee, a white woman who worked in support of Black revolutionary movements and who sought to elaborate a vision of what a women’s revolutionary movement must be, responded to Kovich’s zine a few months later. The 80-year-old Amazon theorist brings her life of experience and study to bolster Kovich’s main points, while asking questions about some limits she sees in the work. From 1950s white, small town New Jersey to the civil rights struggle in Southside Chicago, refugees from Tsarist pogroms to the fighters of the Black Liberation Army, Lee’s most autobiographical public writing—the last before her death in 2021—questions Kovich’s framing of antifascism as a limited struggle that must expand to meet the needs of a properly revolutionary politics.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e“i’ve been writing this to help keep the discussion going. To point women towards Petronella Lee’s advance in our political understanding. And to make what contribution i can, far away now from the battlefield. If i can suggest anything useful at all, it would be to move women’s whole tumult and outrage and resistance into a larger political picture. By which i don’t mean something philosophical or more intellectual.” -Butch Lee\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhile Kovich’s work focuses on the position of revolutionary women, stuck between misogynist fascists and macho antifascism, Butch Lee reframes the discussion around the position of white women: the reproducers of the “white race,” colonized for the role, yet so often participants, willing collaborators in the extension and preservation of white supremacy. Lee asks what it means to see today’s fascists as transcending their previous role as fringe cosplayers, now becoming something more intractable and more deeply rooted in the changes occurring in global patriarchal capitalism.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e“What we’re all fighting over is really simple — the end of men’s white race. The end of folks’ whiteness as a very artificially constructed but ruling identity on the ground. Along with their ‘great’ nation-empire. All into the big swirling garbage disposal drain of modern history.” -Butch Lee\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eVeronica L. then offered her own contribution, advancing the conversation by seeing the ways in which the analyses of fascism offered by Lee and Kovich each illuminated different aspects of what they all see as profoundly inter-related phenomena. She also applies the earlier works to her own experiences as a white woman organizing without cis men (inspired by the \u003cem\u003eLIES\u003c\/em\u003e journal) and to the new context made by the experiences of the COVID-19 pandemic and the mass antiracist and anticolonial reverberations of #ShutDownCanada and the George Floyd rebellion, which had each reshaped the political context since Kovich and Lee’s 2019 writings.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e“How do we build a movement without men that is committed to an expansive understanding of anti-fascism and that embraces feminist militancy? How do we do that while avoiding the missteps of the past?” -Veronica L.\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe book also features a new introduction by El Jones, which continues and frames the discussion through her own experiences as a Black antifascist, antiracist, abolitionist organizer and educator on occupied Mi’kmaq land on Canada’s east coast. Jones draws out the critical connections between the neocolonial suppression of Black and Indigenous movements and the white male resentment against societal change, the linkages between the far right and ongoing colonialism, all against a backdrop of persistent white male violence and equally persistent resistance by oppressed peoples, with women time and time again at the forefront.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn both Jones’s introduction and an epilogue by Veronica L., these two writers reflect on what Butch Lee meant to them as a theorist, and mourn her passing in a way that honours her life’s work: by advancing the project of a women’s struggle against men’s white race.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e“Because there’s no sense in fighting for freedom in general if you don’t free yourself along the way. Actually, it is the only way that it works.” -Butch Lee\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e \u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn these times of rising instability, fracturing identities, and a resultant rise in challenges to and defences of white supremacist patriarchy, \u003cem\u003eAntifascism Against Machismo \u003c\/em\u003emakes a powerful contribution to the understanding needed for a revolutionary resistance at the same time as it offers a model for political discussion. Women building revolutionary theory together, between different contexts, across borders and generations, and beyond the stale fences of political sects.\u003cem\u003e\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch5\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eWhat People Are Saying\u003c\/strong\u003e\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“So exciting in that it opens a door of understanding for women. [Kovich] has to start pointing us towards the upped white fascist threat to women, because few others are systematically doing it. The usual white macho antifa sure hasn’t. It turns out that gender as well as race are central to the cutting edge of the story. And central to the larger roadmap.” —Butch Lee\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“In these times, we are in need of principled, historically grounded, ethical, feminist organizing. Kovich provides us with a text that offers us these tools.” -El Jones\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":40915910852701,"sku":"9781989701232","price":9.28,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/AFAM-COVER1.jpg?v=1676897721"},{"product_id":"manufacturing-threats-case-studies-of-state-manipulation-and-entrapment-in-canada","title":"Manufacturing Threats: Case Studies of State Manipulation and Entrapment in Canada","description":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eCanadian police provocateurs are as old as Canada itself...\u003c\/strong\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eManufacturing Threats\u003c\/em\u003e tells the story of police provocateurs going back to the time of Canadian Confederation. Whether against communism or the FLQ, the Black Liberation Movement or the Muslim community, Alexandre Popovic documents the role Canada's secret services have played in repressing marginalized communities and movements for social change. From bombings and harassment campaigns, to setting up fake urban guerrilla cells and leading invasions from the US, there seem to be no limits to what the operatives of the Canadian state will do to stoke fear and justify their own ever-growing budgets.\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBeyond just documenting these nefarious and shocking misdeeds, \u003cem\u003eManufacturing Threats \u003c\/em\u003eshows the perennial failures of attempts to rein in or reform these agencies. Popovic argues that the entire concept of repressive apparatuses whose actions must be hidden from the public and even elected politicians—which has remained the untouchable assumption of these reform efforts—is itself the problem, and that these sorts of outrages will continue unless real transparency and accountability can be achieved.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDifferent chapters detail the 19th-century origins of Canada's secret police in countering the Irish nationalist Fenians, many of whom were based in the United States, and the Métis Red River Rebellion led by Louis Riel. Popovic goes on to show the role of entrapment and provocation in countering the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) and Communist Party in the 1920s and '30s, and then in attempting to entrap Black and Indigenous activists and in successfully infiltrating and manipulating the nationalist Front de Libération du Québec (FLQ) in the 1960s and '70s. Examining the work of the provincial and federal governments' Keable and McDonald Commissions, which came about following disclosures of RCMP dirty tricks (arson, break-ins, kidnappings...), and which led to the establishment of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS), Popovic then details three major examples of CSIS informants (Marc-André Boivin, Grant Bristow, and Joseph Gilles Breault) who were allowed to carry out acts of violence and intimidation in the service of their government paymasters.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis book is an important introduction to the subject of Canada's repressive agencies and the legislation and lack of oversight that have structured their use of agents provocateurs and informants over the years.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFirst published in French as \u003cem\u003eProduire le menace\u003c\/em\u003e (Sabotart, 2017), this first English-language edition includes updated information as of 2022.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch5\u003eAbout the Author\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAlexandre Popovic has been politically active in social struggles since the early 1990s. He has suffered police repression as a result of his participation in various protest movements; he subsequently began to represent himself in court. Intent on documenting the issue of police abuse, the author has sent more than six hundred Access to Information requests and has pleaded many times in front of the Access to Information Commission.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFor over a decade, Popovic has been involved in supporting families who have lost a loved one at the hands of the police. In this capacity, he has participated in half a dozen coroners’ public inquests as an interested party.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch5\u003eThe Film\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eInspired by Popovic's work, Amy Miller's documentary \u003cem\u003eManufacturing The Threat\u003c\/em\u003e focuses on one case, providing an in-depth examination of the entrapment of Omar Nuttall and Ana Korody in 2013:\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003ciframe src=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/hZthwbWgjk4\" title=\"YouTube video player\" width=\"560\" height=\"315\"\u003e\u003c\/iframe\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cbr\u003eFor the first time ever, a feature-length documentary is examining the issue of agent provocateurs and entrapment in Canada’s national security apparatus. Manufacturing the Threat is a thrilling and emotional film, which examines a deeply disturbing episode in Canadian history, when an impoverished couple was coerced by undercover law enforcement agents into carrying out a terrorist bombing. Further, viewers learn that this case is far from unique in the context of Canadian intelligence.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eWhen a young Muslim couple was arrested on Canada Day 2013, caught red-handed planting bombs at the Parliament buildings in Victoria, BC, the news was celebrated as a tour de force for Canada’s national security agencies. Citing the rising threat of Islamic terrorism, the Harper government went on to pass Bill C-51, the Anti-terrorism Act. However, media and government were relatively silent when the case against the Canada Day bombers fell apart.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eAfter the young couple, Omar Nuttall and Ana Korody, had spent three years in prison, they learned that they had been deceived by an elaborate agent provocateur operation managed by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) and the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS). ‘Project Souvenir’ involved over 240 security service operatives, and culminated in their decision to plant fake bombs, constructed with the help of undercover agents, on the BC Parliament Grounds. The Canada Day Bombers had their charges thrown out, and their imprisonment was referred to as a “travesty of justice” by Judge Elizabeth Bennett.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eShining a light into the murky world of police infiltration, incitement, and agent provocateurs, Manufacturing The Threat shows how Canada’s policing and national security agencies, granted additional powers after 9\/11, routinely break laws with little to no accountability or oversight.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eHow are our lives affected by these secretive and costly organizations, supposedly put in place to protect Canadians? What are the implications for our civil liberties and for democracy itself? Finally, in this era of COVID-19, climate crisis, and increasingly divisive politics, where are real threats to our security?\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eManufacturing the Threat is the first feature-length film to look closely at covert operations in Canada. We learn that Canada’s concept of national security now includes the defence of oil and mineral extraction. Miller exposes a disturbing nexus of interests in which military and policing agencies align with giant transnational fossil fuel and mining companies, revealing a dark history of covert operations that target minorities, environmentalists, and Indigenous communities.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eManufacturing the Threat takes the viewer directly into Operation Souvenir, the joint RCMP-CSIS campaign that snared the Nuttalls. We watch hidden-camera footage of the Nuttalls as they talk with manipulative undercover agents, as they plan their terrorist attack in a hotel room paid for by the RCMP, and even as they plant explosives during the infamous Canada Day bombing.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eInitially convicted of intent to commit a terrorist attack, the Nuttalls were eventually cleared of all charges in a ruling that described Project Souvenir as a “travesty of justice.” The trial proceedings revealed that the undercover operation employed over 240 agents and cost Canadian taxpayers over $900,000 in overtime pay alone.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e“The RCMP manufactured this crime,” said Judge Elizabeth Bennett in the aftermath of the ruling.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eA startling exposé and a stirring call to action, Manufacturing the Threat features interviews with national security experts, newly discovered archival material, and compelling first-hand testimony from Canadian citizens caught in the web of Canada’s covert operations.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFor more information see: \u003ca href=\"https:\/\/wideopenexposure.com\/manufacturing-the-threat\/\" target=\"_blank\"\u003ehttps:\/\/wideopenexposure.com\/manufacturing-the-threat\/\u003c\/a\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":41018949009501,"sku":"9781989701249","price":14.28,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/files\/ManufacturingThreatsCover.jpg?v=1682444226"},{"product_id":"the-spirit-of-freedom-anticolonial-war-uneasy-peace-in-ireland","title":"The Spirit of Freedom: Anticolonial War \u0026 Uneasy Peace in Ireland","description":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e“This booklet sets out to explain what’s going on in Ireland. It shows why British troops are there and, more importantly, why it is in our interests to get them out.”\u003c\/em\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eThis is how Attack International—a small, anonymous collective of anticapitalist revolutionaries based in England—described their text “The Spirit of Freedom: The War in Ireland” in 1989. Now published as a book for the first time, it still provides a concise, readable, and unabashedly partisan introduction to the history of Ireland’s struggle against British colonialism, as well as analysis of the contours of the struggle and their approach to solidarity with it. \u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eA powerful and provocative call to the radical left to dig into the Irish republican resistance, “The Spirit of Freedom” has continued to circulate for more than three decades, far beyond the immediate audience at which it was immediately aimed, and as the context dramatically shifted. To aid the present-day reader, this edition also includes a new Preface and Afterword by C. Crowle (as well as footnotes and supplements to Attack International’s chronology and book recommendations) to update the last thirty years of history of the conflict in the Six Counties of “Northern Ireland.” These new materials also reflect on the differences between support for Irish republicanism in the 1980s in the UK, versus in the present and (for many readers) in the settler colonies of North America. As Crowle argues (from personal experience), an adoption of Irish identity can seem to offer the white settler a way to step out of their social position as a colonizer; this is not an exit, however, but a smokescreen, obscuring real relations on both sides of the Atlantic.\u003cstrong\u003e \u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/strong\u003e\u003cbr\u003eThis book offers material not just for the study of the struggle for a United Ireland, but for the real practice of solidarity across borders, nations, and ideological affiliation, as together we try to build a world where all are free from the violence of State and Capital.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003ciframe width=\"353\" height=\"627\" src=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/znN14JFhumE\" title=\"The Spirit of Freedom: Anticolonial War \u0026amp; Uneasy Peace in Ireland\"\u003e\u003c\/iframe\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":41136726835293,"sku":"9781989701270","price":9.32,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/files\/spiritoffreedom2023cover.jpg?v=1692383070"},{"product_id":"divided-world-divided-class-global-political-economy-and-the-stratification-of-labour-under-capitalism-second-edition-ebook","title":"Divided World Divided Class: Global Political Economy and the Stratification of Labour Under Capitalism, 2nd ed. EBOOK (MOBI and EPUB)","description":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eThis is the digital edition. For the physical edition (which comes with ebook files for no additional cost) \u003ca href=\"https:\/\/leftwingbooks.net\/products\/divided-world-divided-class-global-political-economy-and-the-stratification-of-labour-under-capitalism-second-edition\" data-mce-href=\"https:\/\/leftwingbooks.net\/products\/divided-world-divided-class-global-political-economy-and-the-stratification-of-labour-under-capitalism-second-edition\"\u003eclick here\u003c\/a\u003e.\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/strong\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eDivided World Divided Class\u003c\/em\u003e charts the history of the ‘labour aristocracy’ in the capitalist world system, from its roots in colonialism to its birth and eventual maturation into a full-fledged middle class in the age of imperialism. It argues that pervasive national, racial and cultural chauvinism in the core capitalist countries is not primarily attributable to ‘false class consciousness’, ideological indoctrination or ignorance as much left and liberal thinking assumes. Rather, these and related forms of bigotry are concentrated expressions of the major social strata of the core capitalist nations’ shared economic interest in the exploitation and repression of dependent nations.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe book demonstrates not only how redistribution of income derived from super-exploitation has allowed for the amelioration of class conflict in the wealthy capitalist countries, it also shows that the exorbitant ‘super-wage’ paid to workers there has meant the disappearance of a domestic vehicle for socialism, an exploited working class. Rather, in its place is a deeply conservative metropolitan workforce committed to maintaining, and even extending, its privileged position through imperialism. The book is intended as a major contribution to debates on the international class structure and socialist strategy for the twenty-first century.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis second edition includes new material such as data on growing inequality between the richest and poorest countries; data illustrating rising real wages in Imperial Britain; explication of the concepts of value, monopoly capital and unequal exchange and their ramifications for the global class structure; discussion of social imperialism on the left; responses to critiques surrounding the thesis of mass embourgeoisement through imperialism; as well as further information on a range of subjects.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch5\u003eWhat People Are Saying\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“Dr. Cope presents a thought provoking study of the political economy of the world system by focusing on the concept of a global labour aristocracy. Within the world system, which has also been described as a global apartheid system by some, enormous differences exist between workers’ wages and living conditions, depending on where the workers are located. The author details how a global labour aristocracy in core countries benefits at the expense of workers in periphery countries. The mechanisms supporting such a situation are identified as exploitation, imperialism and racism. The book is a valuable contribution to globalization critique.” Gernot Köhler, Professor (retired) of Computer Studies at the Department of Computing and Information Management, Sheridan College, Ontario, Canada and author of \u003cem\u003eThe Global Wage System: A Study of International Wage Differences \u003c\/em\u003eand \u003cem\u003eGlobal Economics: An Introductory Course\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“How can we link the division between the poor and the rich people in one and any country and the division between the rich and poor nations together into an analytical framework? The answer lies in the concept of ‘the embourgeoisement of the working people’ of the rich core countries and the fact that colonialism and national chauvinism have gone hand in hand so as to breed a ‘labour aristocracy’. This book is a must-read for anyone who cares about fairness. Zak Cope brings together brilliantly the concepts of nation, race and class analytically under the umbrella of capitalism, by situating racism in the class structure and by locating class in the context of the global economy.” Mobo Gao, Chair of Chinese Studies and Director of the Confucius Institute at the Centre for Asian Studies, University of Adelaide, and author of \u003cem\u003eThe Battle for China’s Past: Mao and the Cultural Revolution\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“This is a surprising book. At a time when confusion about Globalization surrounds us, Zak Cope pulls us towards what is fundamental. He outlines the 19th \u0026amp; 20th century recasting of the diverse human world into rigid forms of oppressed colonized societies and oppressor colonizing societies. A world divide still heavily determining our lives. Working rigorously in a marxist-leninist vein, the author focuses on how imperialism led to a giant metropolis where even the main working class itself is heavily socially bribed and loyal to capitalist oppression. Much is laid aside in his analysis, in order to concentrate on only what he considers the most basic structure of all in world capitalist society. This is writing both controversial and foundational at one and the same time.” J. Sakai, author of \u003cem\u003eSettlers: Mythology of the White Proletariat\u003c\/em\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\"Divided World Divided Class is valuable to a wide audience, especially those unfamiliar with the history of imperialism, the unequal exchange paradigm, and its impact on class structure. It should be a wake-up call to advocates for the exploited classes of the global South as they attempt to develop a twenty-first-century praxis, and as they engage with advocates for workers in the global North—without denying activists in the global North a role in helping to change the world in favor of the exploited peoples of the world. It reaffirms, with an impressive breadth and depth of evidence and argument, that the Northern workers must help fight for democratic sovereignty in the global South—even if it appears to be against their material interests to do so.\" — Professor Timothy Kerswell, University of Macau, Department of Government and Public Administration\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e \u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch5\u003eKersplebedeb Statement on Zak Cope's About Face (Aug. 16 2024)\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTLDR: Zak Cope has renounced his former anti-imperialist views and has embraced “the West,” zionism, and the legacies and ongoing realities of colonialism and imperialism. Kersplebedeb Publishing stands by Zak’s previous work and is saddened to see him now embracing the structures of oppression, exploitation, and genocide which he previously had stood against.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eLONGER VERSION:\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWe at Kersplebedeb Publishing were surprised to learn (to say the least) that Zak Cope, author of \u003cem\u003eDivided World Divided Class: Global Political Economy and the Stratification of Labour Under Capitalism\u003c\/em\u003e—which we published two editions of in 2012 and 2015, respectively—has had a dramatic change of opinion on seemingly every aspect of political economy in the last year (he implies that it was sparked by the events of October 7, 2023). In the \u003cem\u003ePalgrave Handbook of Contemporary Geopolitics \u003c\/em\u003e(2024), which Cope edited and to which he contributed two chapters, he describes his “personal and intellectual commitment to free markets, democracy, human rights, and the rule of law and the conservative and classical liberal values that uphold the same.” He declares his support for “the people of... Israel in their just struggle to overcome the imperialist and totalitarian forces bent on their destruction.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDespite this description of the opponents of the zionist state as “imperialist,” it is not clear whether Cope—who has been mainly known as a prominent theorist of anti-imperialism and defender of the theory of a global labour aristocracy—now thinks imperialism does not exist or just that it is a good thing. He compares foreign direct investment from the Global North into the Global South to “people who spend less than they earn... loan[ing] to those who spend more than they earn.” He denies that there is anything morally problematic in this relationship, arguing to the contrary that “free trade can and has led to historically unprecedented reductions in poverty rates worldwide.” He states that “Europe’s industrialization and economic take-off was largely endogenous, driven by technological innovation, entrepreneurship, liberal institutions, and scientific culture,” while “Colonialism and the slave trade played a relatively minor role.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCope now espouses right-wing shibboleths, such as the historically ignorant view that Nazi Germany was socialist (!) or that a domination of the social sciences by Marxism and postcolonialism (“the academic study of the cultural, political, and economic legacies of colonialism and imperialism,” as he defines it) has “seriously curtailed academic freedom.” He derisively refers to the concept of “European, Western, and ‘White’ oppression, exploitation, and racism,” a use of scare quotes implying that he views the entire concept of whiteness as being of questionable analytic utility, at a minimum. (Elsewhere, he uses scare quotes on “First World” and “Third World,” as well as “core” and “periphery.”) He approvingly cites Thatcher’s aphorism about socialism being broken by its dependence on an exhaustible supply of “other people’s money.” He rejects the labour theory of value and calls “counter[ing] anti-capitalism with reasoned, fact-based, and historically grounded argument... one of the most urgent cultural and political challenges of our time.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn a footnote, he “retract[s]” \u003cem\u003eDivided World \u003c\/em\u003eand \u003cem\u003eThe Wealth of Some Nations \u003c\/em\u003e(which he published with Pluto Press in 2019) for the reason that they are “based on Marxist views that are outright false or misleadingly one-sided.”\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWe share Cope’s desire to make a clear distinction between his past work and his output today and going forward—barring a second 180° degree rotation.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCope’s argument in \u003cem\u003eDivided World Divided Class\u003c\/em\u003e and similar writings was nothing more nor less than an assertion of the humanity of the people of the Third World (or Global South) and an attempt to explain their dehumanization in the realm of ideas (racism and national chauvinism) by reviewing their position in the realm of economics, as those who produce most of the world's enormous wealth yet receive scarcely any of its benefit. If there was a weakness to his approach, it was his reliance on a lot of numbers and statistics and math (themselves often the mystifying product of bourgeois economics) to show what could be illustrated much more simply and clearly in more concrete terms. But so it goes with “immanent critique”—our thought at the time was (and is now) that given the use of bourgeois economics to muddy the waters in order to hide the reality of imperialist exploitation, that there was value in using it to clarify and demystify.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCope’s new position—which comes as an utter shock to us, and which we find difficult to believe he can himself take seriously—does indeed amount to a complete reversal of this: a dehumanization of the global majority and an obfuscation and denial of the racism and national chauvinism to which they are subject.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eZak, wtf?\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e \u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e \u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNote to Readers: Kersplebedeb is making the ebook version of Divided World Divided Class, which we still consider to be a valuable contribution to understanding the world we live in, available free of charge via the leftwingbooks.net website: \u003ca href=\"www.leftwingbooks.net\/\/divided-world-divided-class-ebook\"\u003ewww.leftwingbooks.net\/\/divided-world-divided-class-ebook\u003c\/a\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":42580275003485,"sku":"9781894946698","price":4.79,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/products\/coverDWDC2.jpg?v=1654987826"},{"product_id":"the-palestinian-left-past-present-and-future","title":"The Palestinian Left: Past, Present, and Future","description":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eThe Palestinian Left: Past, Present, and Future\u003c\/em\u003e offers a sweeping assessment of fifty years of revolutionary struggle, decline, and possibility. Beginning with the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine’s 1969 \u003cem\u003eStrategy for the Liberation of Palestine\u003c\/em\u003e, the book revisits a time when anti-imperialist movements across the Global South were at their height and Palestine was central to visions of worldwide revolution. Drawing on decades of international solidarity work, the author situates the Palestinian Left within global transformations—from the revolutionary wave of the 1960s, through the defeats of the 1980s and 1990s, to today’s ongoing crisis.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWith clarity and urgency, the book traces the dilemmas of strategy, organization, and class analysis, interrogating the roles of Arab nationalism, Islamism, imperialism, and settler colonialism. It explores why no strategy has yet succeeded in bringing about liberation, while insisting that the struggle for a secular, socialist Palestine remains inseparable from the fate of global movements against exploitation and oppression.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAt once historical and analytical, deeply committed yet unflinching in critique, The \u003cem\u003ePalestinian Left: Past, Present, and Future\u003c\/em\u003e is a call to rethink revolutionary strategy in light of past lessons and present contradictions.\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003ch5\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAbout the Author\u003c\/strong\u003e\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003ca data-lwsa=\"eyJhdXRvbGluayI6dHJ1ZSwiYXV0b19pZCI6IjM0NTM5In0=\" href=\"https:\/\/leftwingbooks.net\/collections\/all\/torkil-lauesen\" title=\"Torkil Lauesen\"\u003eTorkil Lauesen\u003c\/a\u003e is a longtime anti-­imperialist activist and writer living in Denmark. From 1970 to 1989, he was a full-time member of a communist anti­imperialist group, supporting Third World liberation movements by both legal and illegal means. He worked occasionally as a glass factory worker, mail carrier, and laboratory worker, in order to be able to stay on the dole. In connection with support work, he has traveled in Lebanon, Syria, Zimbabwe, South Africa, the Philippines, and Mexico. In the 1990s, while incarcerated, he was involved in prison activism and received a Master’s degree in political science. He is currently a member of International Forum, an anti-imperialist organization based in Denmark. \u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Kersplebedeb Publishing","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":43738376339549,"sku":"9781989701461","price":19.6,"currency_code":"CAD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0562\/0826\/1213\/files\/palestineleft-cover.jpg?v=1761307074"}],"url":"https:\/\/leftwingbooks.net\/en-us\/collections\/dropship-overseas-1.oembed?page=2","provider":"Leftwingbooks","version":"1.0","type":"link"}